Documentation

Linglib.Studies.GoldbergJackendoff2004

[GJ04]: The English Resultative as a Family of Constructions #

[GJ04]

Paper data and per-datum verifications for [GJ04]. The construction-theoretic primitives (ResultativeSubconstruction, SubeventDesc, the fusion machinery, the universal-quantifier theorems) live in Syntax/ConstructionGrammar/Resultatives.lean, which this file imports.

Key claims #

  1. The English resultative is not one construction but a family of four subconstructions organized along two dimensions: causative/noncausative × property/path RP
  2. Every resultative has a dual subevent structure: a verbal subevent (from the verb) and a constructional subevent (CAUSE + BECOME/GO from the construction)
  3. The verbal and constructional subevents are linked by typed semantic relations: MEANS, RESULT, INSTANCE, or CO-OCCURRENCE
  4. Full Argument Realization (FAR): all obligatory arguments of both verb and construction must be syntactically realized; shared arguments fuse
  5. Semantic Coherence: verb role rV and construction role rC may fuse only if rV is construable as an instance of rC
  6. Aspectual constraint: resultatives are telic iff the RP denotes a bounded path/property
  7. Temporal constraint: the constructional subevent cannot temporally precede the verbal subevent

File contents #

This file holds:

Empirical data: resultative entries #

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                  All resultative entries.

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                    Per-datum verification theorems #

                    All four core subconstructions use MEANS (§3, summary 97a–d). RESULT is reserved for sound-emission and disappearance subconstructions.

                    Noncausative entries lack CAUSE in their derived constructional subevent.

                    Noncausative (intransitive) entries have no object selection.

                    Theorems migrated from Causation.Resultatives #

                    These theorems quantify over allEntries (paper-specific data) and therefore belong with the paper, not in the Theory layer.

                    Per-entry verb class participation #

                    The construction-verb interaction across the four canonical Levin classes that [GJ04] discuss: manner verbs (hit = hammer/kick), change-of-state verbs (otherCoS = freeze), motion verbs (mannerOfMotion = roll/swing), and removing verbs (wipe).

                    All entries acquire CoS from the construction, regardless of verb class.

                    Hammer (hit-class): no CoS or causation alone → both added by causative construction.

                    Freeze (otherCoS): already has CoS + causation → construction doesn't change profile.

                    Roll (manner-of-motion): gains CoS from construction; no causation (noncausative).

                    Laugh (performance): pure manner verb — construction adds CoS + causation.

                    Wipe (wipe-class): already has full profile — construction is redundant.

                    Empirical data: grammaticality judgments #

                    Theory-neutral grammaticality judgments and aspectual contrasts drawn from §§2–8 of the paper. These provide the shared data layer that other studies (Dendikken, Tay, Levin) connect to their own analyses.

                    What type of resultative is exemplified.

                    Extends the paper's 2×2 matrix (§2) with fake reflexives (§5) and anticausative property resultatives ([Lev26]).

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                        @[implicit_reducible]
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                        A single resultative example with judgment data.

                        • exId : String

                          Example identifier

                        • sentence : String

                          The sentence

                        • Acceptability judgment

                        • resType : ResultativeType

                          Which resultative subtype

                        • phenomenon : String

                          What phenomenon this illustrates

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                              Causative property resultatives (§2, ex. 5a, 7a) #

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                                    Causative path resultatives (§2, ex. 5b) #

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                                        Noncausative property resultatives (§2, ex. 6a) #

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                                            Noncausative path resultatives (§2, ex. 6b) #

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                                                Fake reflexive resultatives (§5, ex. 9) #

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                                                      Aspectual contrasts (§4, Principle 27) #

                                                      An aspectual contrast pair.

                                                      • sentence : String

                                                        Sentence with temporal adverbial

                                                      • Acceptability

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                                                        Which adverbial type

                                                      • description : String

                                                        Description

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                                                                    Unacceptable resultatives (§6, semantic coherence violations) #

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                                                                        Aggregate data #

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                                                                            Empirical verification #

                                                                            Both grammatical and ungrammatical examples are represented.

                                                                            theorem GoldbergJackendoff2004.aspectual_both_adverbials :
                                                                            (aspectualContrasts.any fun (x : AspectualContrast) => x.adverbialType == "in-adverbial") = true (aspectualContrasts.any fun (x : AspectualContrast) => x.adverbialType == "for-adverbial") = true

                                                                            The aspectual contrast data includes both in- and for-adverbials.

                                                                            Telic resultatives accept in-adverbials and reject for-adverbials.

                                                                            Atelic bare activities accept for-adverbials.