[GJ04]: The English Resultative as a Family of Constructions #
The English resultative is a family of four subconstructions —
causative/noncausative × property/path RP, summarized as (97) — each
pairing a verbal with a constructional subevent under a typed relation,
constrained by Full Argument Realization (37), Semantic Coherence (44),
telicity from RP boundedness (§4.1), and the temporal relation of the
subevents (§4.2). The theory-side machinery lives in
ConstructionGrammar.Resultatives; this file runs it on the paper's
entries and projects the generated example rows
(Data.Examples.GoldbergJackendoff2004) into typed data.
Main declarations #
GoldbergJackendoff2004.allEntries: the paper's resultative entries, with derived CAUSE/BECOME, telicity, and alternation predictionsGoldbergJackendoff2004.ResultativeDatum,allExamples: the judgment rows, classified by subconstructionGoldbergJackendoff2004.aspectualContrasts: §4.1's for-adverbial contrasts (exx. 23–24)
Empirical data: resultative entries #
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All resultative entries.
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Derived predictions #
Each theorem runs the theory's machinery (dualSubevent, fusedMC,
resultativeAspect) on the entries' independent classifications and
checks the derived profile against the paper's claim. Encoding
invariants of the data itself are anonymous examples.
Causative entries have CAUSE in their derived constructional subevent.
Noncausative entries lack CAUSE in their derived constructional subevent.
All derived constructional subevents have BECOME.
All entries with bounded RP are telic.
Activity verbs in the data with bounded RPs become accomplishments.
Per-entry verb class participation #
The construction-verb interaction across the Levin classes of the paper's example verbs: contact/force verbs (hammer, push), change-of-state verbs (freeze), motion verbs (roll), speech and emission verbs (yell, bleed), and surface-contact verbs (wipe).
All entries acquire CoS from the construction, regardless of verb class.
All entries participate in the resultative alternation (none are instrument-spec).
Causative entries all acquire the causative alternation.
Noncausative entries do NOT acquire the causative alternation (unless the verb already has causation — freeze/otherCoS does).
Hammer (hit-class): no CoS or causation alone → both added by causative construction.
Freeze (otherCoS): already has CoS + causation → construction doesn't change profile.
Roll (manner-of-motion): gains CoS from construction; no causation (noncausative).
Yell (manner of speaking): pure manner verb — construction adds CoS + causation.
Empirical data: grammaticality judgments #
The stimuli live as generated rows in
Data.Examples.GoldbergJackendoff2004 (from the per-paper JSON); this
layer projects each row into a typed datum carrying the study's
classification. Other studies (Dendikken, Tay, Levin) connect to this
shared data through the datum layer or the rows directly.
What type of resultative is exemplified.
Extends the paper's 2×2 matrix (§2) with fake reflexives (§2, ex. 9) and anticausative property resultatives ([Lev26]).
- causativeProperty : ResultativeType
- causativePath : ResultativeType
- noncausativeProperty : ResultativeType
- noncausativePath : ResultativeType
- fakeReflexive : ResultativeType
- anticausativeProperty : ResultativeType
Anticausative: verb doesn't alternate alone; construction licenses it ([Lev26]). Distinct from
noncausativeProperty(e.g., freeze solid) where the verb independently shows the causative alternation.
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- GoldbergJackendoff2004.instDecidableEqResultativeType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
A single resultative example with judgment data.
- exId : String
Example identifier (the paper's own example label)
- sentence : String
The sentence
- judgment : Features.Judgment
Acceptability judgment
- resType : ResultativeType
Which resultative subtype
- phenomenon : String
What phenomenon this illustrates
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- GoldbergJackendoff2004.instBEqResultativeDatum.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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Project a generated example row into a typed datum. Sentence, label,
and judgment come from the row; the ResultativeType classification and
phenomenon gloss are the study's reading (mirrored in the row's
paperFeatures).
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Causative property resultatives (exx. 5a, 7a, 8a; §6.2) #
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Causative path resultatives (exx. 5b, 7b, 8b) #
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Noncausative property resultatives (exx. 6a, 45c) #
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Noncausative path resultatives (exx. 6b, 97c) #
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Fake reflexive resultatives (§2, ex. 9a) #
The starred diagnostics — *We yelled ourselves (unselected without
the RP) and *We yelled Harry hoarse (no alternation with other NPs) —
live as the row's alternatives.
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Aspectual contrasts (§4.1, exx. 23–24) #
An aspectual contrast pair.
- sentence : String
Sentence with temporal adverbial
- judgment : Features.Judgment
Acceptability
- adverbialType : String
Which adverbial type
- description : String
Description
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- GoldbergJackendoff2004.instBEqAspectualContrast.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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Project a generated example row into an aspectual contrast.
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- GoldbergJackendoff2004.AspectualContrast.ofExample ex description = { sentence := ex.primaryText, judgment := ex.judgment, adverbialType := "for-adverbial", description := description }
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- GoldbergJackendoff2004.heat_hotter = GoldbergJackendoff2004.AspectualContrast.ofExample GoldbergJackendoff2004.Examples.gj2004_23a "ex. 23a: non-end-bounded AP RP → atelic, for-adverbial OK"
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- GoldbergJackendoff2004.weave_longer = GoldbergJackendoff2004.AspectualContrast.ofExample GoldbergJackendoff2004.Examples.gj2004_23c "ex. 23c: non-end-bounded AP RP → atelic, for-adverbial OK"
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Semantic coherence violations (§6.2, ex. 45) #
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Aggregate data #
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