Argument structure in Construction Grammar #
[Gol95]'s account of argument structure: clausal argument realization is not projected from verb entries alone but contributed by independent form–meaning pairings — argument structure constructions — whose meaning pole records the components they add beyond the verb. A verb appearing in a construction fuses its components with the construction's, deriving alternation behavior the verb lacks in isolation, and the constructions themselves form a network of polysemy and inheritance links.
Main definitions #
ditransitive,causedMotion,resultative,intransitiveMotion,conative: [Gol95]'s constructionsisFullyCompositional: analyzable by the universal combination schemata alonePolysemyFamily,goldberg1995Network: one argument frame with many senses, and the ch. 2–3 networkcomposedMeaning,predictedAlternationInConstruction: verb–construction fusion
Concrete argument structure constructions #
An argument structure construction is a Construction MeaningComponents:
its typed form is the argument frame, and its meaning pole records which
meaning components ([Lev93]) the construction adds independently of
the verb ([Gol95]) — .none for constructions that do not
augment.
Ditransitive construction: [Subj V Obj1 Obj2]. "X CAUSES Y to RECEIVE Z" (e.g., "She gave him a book").
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Caused-motion construction: [Subj V Obj Obl]. "X CAUSES Y to MOVE Z", Z a directional ("Pat sneezed the napkin off the table", p. 3). Contributes motion + causation: verbs that lexicalize neither (like sneeze) acquire both from the construction ([Gol95] p. 152–179).
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Resultative construction: [Subj V Obj Pred]. "X CAUSES Y to BECOME Z" (e.g., "She hammered the metal flat"). Contributes CoS + causation: manner verbs that lexicalize neither acquire both — [RHL98]'s Template Augmentation, cast lexically there (their appendix maps it onto the constructional approach); [Lev26] §3. This is what enables the causative alternation for verbs like push that lack it in isolation.
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Intransitive motion construction: [Subj V Obl]. "X MOVES to Y" (e.g., "The ball rolled down the hill").
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Conative construction: [Subj V Obl_at]. "X DIRECTS ACTION at Y" (e.g., "Sam kicked at Bill"). The verb designates the intended result of the directed action; the at-PP marks the target without entailing contact ([Gol95] p. 3–4, 63–64).
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Full compositionality #
Core theorems #
Fully abstract constructions without pragmatic point are fully compositional.
Polysemy families ([Gol95] §3.3.2, I_P links) #
A polysemy family groups constructions that share one syntactic frame
but differ in meaning. The shared form is enforced by construction —
all senses are generated from the same form, making it impossible
for a polysemy extension to silently diverge in syntax.
A polysemy family: one argument frame, multiple meanings.
All constructions in a family share the same form definitionally —
there is no way to create an extension with different syntax. The
polysemy links (I_P) are derived, not manually assembled.
- name : String
Name of the construction family
- form : TypedForm String
The shared argument frame
- centralMeaning : Sem
Central sense meaning
- extensions : List (String × Sem × List String)
Extended senses: (extension name, meaning, overridden properties)
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The central sense as a construction.
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- f.centralConstruction = { name := f.name, form := f.form, meaning := f.centralMeaning }
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An extension construction, sharing the family's form
definitionally rather than by assertion.
Equations
- f.extensionConstruction ext = { name := f.name ++ "-" ++ ext.1, form := f.form, meaning := ext.2.1 }
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All extension constructions.
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- f.extensionConstructions = List.map f.extensionConstruction f.extensions
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All constructions (central + extensions).
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The polysemy links a family determines, one per extension.
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Central construction uses the family's form (definitionally true).
Every extension uses the family's form (definitionally true). This is the structural enforcement: shared syntax is impossible to violate because it follows from the definition, not from a proof.
Ditransitive polysemy network ([Gol95] pp. 75–77) #
The ditransitive is not a single construction but a family of six related senses connected by polysemy links (I_P). Each sense inherits the ditransitive's syntactic form [Subj V Obj Obj₂] but differs in the semantic relation between the event participants.
The modality of the CAUSE-RECEIVE relation distinguishing the ditransitive's senses ([Gol95] pp. 75–77).
- actual : TransferModality
Actual transfer: X CAUSES Y TO RECEIVE Z.
- satisfaction : TransferModality
Conditions of satisfaction imply X CAUSES Y TO RECEIVE Z.
- enablement : TransferModality
X ENABLES Y TO RECEIVE Z.
- negated : TransferModality
X CAUSES Y NOT TO RECEIVE Z.
- intended : TransferModality
X INTENDS TO CAUSE Y TO RECEIVE Z.
- future : TransferModality
X ACTS TO CAUSE Y TO RECEIVE Z at some future point in time.
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- ConstructionGrammar.instDecidableEqTransferModality x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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The ditransitive polysemy family: six senses sharing one argument
frame ([Gol95] pp. 75–77; verb classes per Figure 2.2, p. 38).
The extension labels are the formalizer's — Goldberg numbers the senses
and calls the Intended extension "the benefactive construction" (Figure
3.2). Her warrant for the shared frame is exactly what PolysemyFamily
enforces definitionally: "The syntactic specifications of the central
sense are inherited by the extensions" (p. 75).
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Derived polysemy links.
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Subpart link (I_S) from caused-motion to intransitive motion ([Gol95] p. 78, link annotated "I_S: cause"): the intransitive motion construction is a proper subpart of the caused-motion construction. The cause role is absent in the subpart, not overridden — I_S relates a proper subpart, so the override slot stays empty.
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Metaphorical extension link (I_M) from caused-motion to resultative ([Gol95] pp. 81–84): the resultative is a metaphorical extension of caused-motion via the systematic metaphor motion → change, location → state.
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The book's network as a constructicon #
[Gol95] draws no single master figure; the network below assembles the per-link analyses under the book's own framing of "the entire collection of constructions as forming a lattice, with individual constructions related by specific types of asymmetric normal mode inheritance links" (§3.7, p. 99): the ditransitive polysemy family (pp. 75–77), the caused-motion → intransitive-motion subpart link (p. 78), and the caused-motion → resultative metaphorical link (§3.4.1, the "Change of State as Change of Location" metaphor, p. 99). The conative appears in the book's construction inventory (p. 4) but participates in no inheritance link — it is a node without edges, and linking it would be invention.
The ch. 2–3 constructional network, with meaning poles erased: the
network theorems concern the links and forms only, and the family's
TransferModality meanings and the argument-structure constructions'
MeaningComponents meanings live in different types.
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Every link of the network resolves to a member construction.
The links, not hand-listed parents, determine the resultative's mother: the caused-motion construction, via the metaphorical link.
Every link a polysemy family derives is an I_P link — a fact about the construction, not about one table.
Verb–construction fusion #
A verb appearing in a construction fuses its meaning components with the construction's — componentwise, so the composed meaning can have properties neither has alone ([Gol95]; [Lev26]): push lacks change of state and causation, but push in the resultative acquires both, and the causative alternation is predicted.
The composed meaning of a verb in an argument structure construction: the verb's meaning components fused with the construction's meaning pole.
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- ConstructionGrammar.composedMeaning verbMC cxn = verbMC.fuse cxn.meaning
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Whether an alternation is predicted for a verb in a construction.
Generalizes MeaningComponents.predictedAlternation to construction contexts.
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- ConstructionGrammar.predictedAlternationInConstruction verbMC cxn alt = (ConstructionGrammar.composedMeaning verbMC cxn).predictedAlternation alt
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Core theorems: constructions that don't augment #
Ditransitive contributes nothing beyond the verb (.none).
With no augmentation, the composed meaning equals the verb's own.
Core theorems: constructions that augment #
The resultative adds CoS + causation.
The caused-motion construction adds motion + causation.
Construction-dependent alternation #
Manner verbs participate in the causative alternation inside the resultative but not outside it: the component-based prediction fires on the fused result, with no alternation logic specific to constructions.
A pure manner verb (no CoS, no causation) cannot alternate alone.
A pure manner verb in the resultative CAN alternate: the construction adds the CoS and causation the verb lacks.
Concrete instance: hit-class components + resultative → causative alternation.
Concrete instance: hit-class components alone → no causative alternation.
Multiple alternation flips from a single construction #
Fusion can flip several alternation predictions at once: every alternation whose required components the augmented profile satisfies becomes available ([Gol95]).
Hit-class verbs alone permit neither the middle, the instrument-subject, nor the resultative alternation.
Hit-class verbs in the resultative permit all four component-derived alternations: the construction's change of state and causation complete the profile.
Conative stays true: hit already has contact + motion, and fusing preserves them.
Caused-motion fusion #
The caused-motion construction adds motion + causation. For touch-class verbs (pure contact, no motion), this unlocks the conative alternation (requires contact + motion) and the instrument subject alternation (requires causation).
Touch alone: ⟨false, true, false, false, false, false⟩ — only BPPA (contact)
Touch + caused-motion: ⟨false, true, true, true, false, false⟩ — conative + instrumentSubject too
Touch verbs alone: no conative, no instrumentSubject.
Touch + caused-motion: conative AND instrumentSubject flip to true. Motion + causation from the construction fill exactly what touch lacks.
Touch + caused-motion: BPPA stays true (contact preserved by fusion).
Manner-of-motion verbs in the resultative #
Manner-of-motion verbs (⟨false, false, true, false, false, true⟩) have motion
but no CoS or causation. In the resultative, they acquire both — unlocking
causativeInchoative, middle, instrumentSubject, and resultative.
Manner-of-motion verbs alone: no CI, no middle, no instrumentSubject.
Manner-of-motion + resultative: CI, middle, and instrumentSubject all flip.
Constructional augmentation summary #
Each construction unlocks a characteristic set of alternations by augmenting the verb's meaning components. The table below summarizes what each construction contributes and which alternations it enables for verbs that lack the relevant components:
| Construction | Adds | Unlocks |
|---|---|---|
| Resultative | CoS + causation | CI, middle, instrumentSubject, resultative |
| Caused-motion | motion + causation | conative (if +contact), instrumentSubject |
| Ditransitive | (nothing) | (nothing) |
These predictions are all derived from the same predictedAlternation function —
no construction-specific alternation logic exists. The construction simply changes
the input to the general prediction function.
Ditransitive adds nothing: hit verbs stay blocked in all alternations that are blocked in isolation.
Instrument specification survives fusion: cut-class verbs remain blocked from causativeInchoative and resultative even inside the resultative construction, because instrumentSpec = true persists through componentwise OR.