Documentation

Linglib.Studies.FillmoreKayOConnor1988

[FKOC88]: Let Alone #

"Regularity and Idiomaticity in Grammatical Constructions: The Case of Let Alone" (Language 64(3):501–538), the founding Construction Grammar paper: let alone is a formal idiom — a productive syntactic pattern F ⟨X A Y let alone B⟩ whose semantics requires a presupposed scalar model (Appendix, definitions A1–A5) and whose pragmatics resolves a conflict between Gricean Quantity (the informative full clause) and Relevance (the contextually given reduced clause). The idiom typology of §1 lives in ConstructionGrammar.IdiomTypology.

The paper's scalar models are n-dimensional with n > 1 (definition A1; fn. 16: "a scalar model must contain at least two dimensions"). The military-rank model below is a deliberate one-dimensional simplification of the paper's colonel/general example, not a paper-licit scalar model; the linguists × languages model is the paper's own 2D example.

Main declarations #

Scalar models (§2.3.2, Appendix) #

The formal backbone of the paper: an n-dimensional argument space with a monotonicity constraint on propositional functions. Definition A3 (p. 536): ⟨S, T, Dˣ, P⟩ is a scalar model iff, for distinct dᵢ, dⱼ in Dˣ, P(dⱼ) entails P(dᵢ) just in case dᵢ is lower than dⱼ.

An argument point in the n-dimensional argument space Dˣ. In the paper's 2D example, (Brilliant, English) is an argument point in the linguists × languages space.

  • coordinates : List α

    Coordinates, one per dimension

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    def FillmoreKayOConnor1988.instDecidableEqArgumentPoint.decEq {α✝ : Type u_1} [DecidableEq α✝] (x✝ x✝¹ : ArgumentPoint α✝) :
    Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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      def FillmoreKayOConnor1988.instReprArgumentPoint.repr {α✝ : Type u_1} [Repr α✝] :
      ArgumentPoint α✝Std.Format
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        def FillmoreKayOConnor1988.ArgumentPoint.isLower {α : Type u_1} (le : ααBool) (di dj : ArgumentPoint α) :
        Bool

        dᵢ is LOWER than dⱼ (definition A2, p. 536): no coordinate of dᵢ has a higher value than the corresponding coordinate of dⱼ, and at least one coordinate is strictly lower.

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          structure FillmoreKayOConnor1988.ScalarModel (S : Type u_1) (α : Type u_2) :
          Type (max u_1 u_2)

          A scalar model candidate: argument points, a propositional function, and a per-dimension ordering. Definition A3's monotonicity constraint is checked by satisfiesA3 rather than carried as a field, so that deliberately defective models can be discussed.

          • points : List (ArgumentPoint α)

            Argument points (elements of Dˣ)

          • propFn : ArgumentPoint αSBool

            Propositional function: argument point → proposition over states

          • dimLe : ααBool

            Ordering on individual dimension values

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            def FillmoreKayOConnor1988.ScalarModel.entails {S : Type u_1} {α : Type u_2} (sm : ScalarModel S α) (dj di : ArgumentPoint α) :

            Scalar entailment: P(dⱼ) entails P(dᵢ) iff every state verifying P(dⱼ) verifies P(dᵢ).

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              instance FillmoreKayOConnor1988.instDecidableEntailsOfFintype {S : Type u_1} {α : Type u_2} [Fintype S] (sm : ScalarModel S α) (dj di : ArgumentPoint α) :
              Decidable (sm.entails dj di)
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              def FillmoreKayOConnor1988.ScalarModel.strongerThan {S : Type u_1} {α : Type u_2} (sm : ScalarModel S α) (dj di : ArgumentPoint α) :

              Informativeness/strength (definition A5, p. 537): p is MORE INFORMATIVE (STRONGER) than q relative to a scalar model iff p entails q and q does not entail p.

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                def FillmoreKayOConnor1988.ScalarModel.negEntails {S : Type u_1} {α : Type u_2} (sm : ScalarModel S α) (di dj : ArgumentPoint α) :

                Negative scalar entailment (definition A4, p. 536): ¬P(dᵢ) entails ¬P(dⱼ) just in case dᵢ is lower than dⱼ. This is the direction at work in the canonical negative let alone sentences: "he didn't make colonel; a fortiori, he didn't make general" (p. 523).

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                  A5 strength for negated propositions: ¬P(dᵢ) is stronger than ¬P(dⱼ) iff it entails and is not entailed by it.

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                    def FillmoreKayOConnor1988.ScalarModel.satisfiesA3Forward {S : Type u_1} {α : Type u_2} (sm : ScalarModel S α) (states : List S) :
                    Bool

                    Forward half of definition A3 over a finite state list: whenever dᵢ is lower than dⱼ, P(dⱼ) entails P(dᵢ).

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                      def FillmoreKayOConnor1988.ScalarModel.satisfiesA3 {S : Type u_1} {α : Type u_2} [DecidableEq α] (sm : ScalarModel S α) (states : List S) :
                      Bool

                      Full definition A3 over a finite state list: for distinct dᵢ, dⱼ, P(dⱼ) entails P(dᵢ) just in case dᵢ is lower than dⱼ. The biconditional is demanding: a state list too sparse to separate the points produces artifact entailments between incomparable points and fails this check (see ll_sparse_fails_A3).

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                        The let alone construction (§2.1–2.4) #

                        The let alone construction: form F ⟨X A Y let alone B⟩ (ex. 20a, p. 512), where F is a negative polarity operator, X and Y are shared non-focused material, and the paired foci A and B are points in a presupposed scalar model. The typed form is the paired-foci core ([Dun25]'s slot projection), eliding the shared X/Y material.

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                          Let alone is not fully compositional: a formal idiom with paired focus, scalar entailment, and NPI licensing requirements that cannot be derived from the universal combination schemata (see isFullyCompositional).

                          structure FillmoreKayOConnor1988.LetAloneConditions (S : Type u_1) (α : Type u_2) :
                          Type (max u_1 u_2)

                          Felicity conditions on let alone sentences (p. 528): (1) the two clauses express propositions from the same scalar model; (2) the propositions are of the same polarity; (3) the proposition expressed by the initial, full clause is the stronger one.

                          The propositions include the polarity operator F, so condition (3) runs through definition A4 in the negative case: in "he didn't make colonel, let alone general" (ex. 21), ¬P(colonel) is stronger than ¬P(general) because colonel is the lower point. The paper itself flags the potential confusion between point-strength and clause-strength here (p. 532).

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                            The let alone family (p. 533): conjunctions presupposing a scalar model relating their conjuncts. "Let alone, together with much less and not to mention, presents the stronger statement first"; in fact and if not present it second.

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                                Environments licensing let alone (exx. 62–70, p. 518). The paper names five types — "simple negation, too complementation, comparison of inequality, only as determiner of the subject, and various minimal attainment qualifiers, these and more" — over nine examples; the last three cases are formalizer labels for the remaining illustrated environments.

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                                    The garden-variety coordination construction let alone is measured against (§2.2.1): two like-category conjuncts joined by a coordinating conjunction. Present as the parent node of the inheritance link below.

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                                      Let alone against the coordination diagnostics of §2.2.1 (p. 514–517). Shared with coordinating conjunctions: joins like categories, right node raising, gapping. Overridden: no VP ellipsis (exx. 39–41), no IT-clefting of the full constituent (exx. 33–34), fragment second conjunct, scalar requirement, NPI status. The inheritance-link framing is retrospective — the 1988 paper predates Goldberg's link typology.

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                                        The §2.2.1 comparison as a two-node network.

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                                          Other constructions of §1 #

                                          The X-er the Y-er comparative correlative (exx. 1–2, introduced in §1.1.3 as the flagship formal idiom). The construction's "the" is "not, so far as we can tell, found generally elsewhere in the language" (p. 507; fn. 4 notes relatives like "all the more reason" and the Old English instrumental demonstrative source).

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                                            The Incredulity Response construction ("Him be a doctor?", ex. 14h in the §2 opening list, pp. 510–511; the type is introduced in §1.1.4): a non-nominative subject with a bare-stem predicate, "used to challenge or question a proposition just posed by an interlocutor" (p. 511).

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                                              A one-dimensional rank model (ex. 21) #

                                              Ex. 21 (p. 513): "I doubt he made COLONEL in World War II, let alone GENERAL." The paper names only second lieutenant ("the lowest commissioned rank"), colonel, and general; the intermediate ranks are world-knowledge interpolation. States are the down-sets of the rank chain, so the model separates every pair of ranks and satisfies full A3 — at the cost of being one-dimensional, which definition A1 (n > 1) disallows for genuine scalar models; see the module docstring.

                                              Commissioned military ranks (ex. 21's scale; intermediate members interpolated).

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                                                  Rank ordering.

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                                                    Career outcomes: the down-sets of the rank chain — either no commission, or every rank up to some ceiling.

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                                                        All career outcomes.

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                                                          The military rank scalar model.

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                                                            The rank model satisfies full definition A3: for distinct ranks, entailment holds exactly when the entailed point is lower. The down-set state space is what makes the biconditional (not just its forward half) go through.

                                                            "He made general" entails "he made colonel" (A3, forward).

                                                            "He made colonel" does not entail "he made general" (A3, converse direction for the higher point).

                                                            Making general is the stronger positive proposition (A5). NB the paper's warning (p. 532): in ex. 21 the clauses are negated, so the stronger clause is "didn't make colonel" — see ex21Conditions.

                                                            The felicity conditions of p. 528, instantiated for ex. 21 "I doubt he made COLONEL, let alone GENERAL": negative polarity, A focus colonel, B focus general; the full clause ¬P(colonel) is stronger by definition A4 because colonel is the lower point.

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                                                              Second lieutenant is the lowest point: no rank is lower. This is the paper's explanation (p. 526) of ex. 107's anomaly — with B the lowest point, the a-fortiori inference has nothing to conclude.

                                                              The linguists × languages model (§2.3.2, Tables 1–2) #

                                                              The paper's own 2D example (pp. 526–527; Appendix Tables 3–4, p. 535): four professors ordered by erudition, four languages ordered by accessibility, and the propositional function "X can read L".

                                                              Linguists ordered by erudition (most → least).

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                                                                  Languages ordered by accessibility (most → least).

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                                                                      Dimension value: a linguist or a language. The argument space is Linguist × Lang, encoded as 2-element coordinate lists.

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                                                                          Dimension ordering. A LOWER point yields a WEAKER proposition (definition A2; worked example p. 537: "(B, E) is lower than (B, G)"). More erudite linguists and more accessible languages are lower: "Apotheosis reads English" is the easiest proposition to satisfy. Cross-dimension comparisons are false (dimensions are independent).

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                                                                            States of who-reads-what. The first four are Table 2's states a–d (p. 527); diagonal is a constructed staircase state (not in the paper), included to refute converse entailments.

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                                                                                "Professor X can read language L" in each state.

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                                                                                  Convenience constructor for 2D argument points.

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                                                                                    The linguists × languages scalar model.

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                                                                                      All five states.

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                                                                                        The 2D model satisfies the forward half of A3 over the five states: lower points' propositions are entailed.

                                                                                        The five-state list is too sparse for full A3: incomparable points end up with artifact entailments (e.g. "Brilliant reads Hittite" entails "Competent reads French" over these states, though the points are incomparable), violating A3's only-if direction. A genuine model of the paper's Table 2 universe would need the full space of nested states.

                                                                                        "Brilliant can read Hittite" entails "Brilliant can read English": Hittite is less accessible, so reading it is the stronger claim.

                                                                                        The paper's worked example (p. 537): (Brilliant, English) is lower than (Brilliant, Greek).

                                                                                        (Competent, French) and (Brilliant, Hittite) are incomparable (definition A2): Competent > Brilliant on erudition but French < Hittite on accessibility.

                                                                                        Judgment data #

                                                                                        Grammaticality judgments and contrasts from the paper, by example number. Verified against the published text; judgments reproduce the paper's markings (* ungrammatical, # anomalous, ? marginal).

                                                                                        A single attested or judged example.

                                                                                        • exNumber : String

                                                                                          Example number in the paper

                                                                                        • sentence : String

                                                                                          The sentence

                                                                                        • Acceptability judgment

                                                                                        • phenomenon : String

                                                                                          What phenomenon this illustrates

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                                                                                              Basic let alone (§2.1, exx. 15–16, p. 512) #

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                                                                                                  NPI licensing (§2.2.4, exx. 62–66, p. 518) #

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                                                                                                        Barely vs. almost/only (§2.3.3, exx. 113–115, p. 529) #

                                                                                                        Barely licenses let alone; almost and non-subject only do not — "barely is syntactically a negative polarity trigger while almost and nonsubject only are not".

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                                                                                                              Topicalization asymmetry (§2.2.1, exx. 31a–d, p. 515) #

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                                                                                                                      Topicalization asymmetry: and allows full topicalization, let alone only allows extraposed second conjunct.

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                                                                                                                        VP ellipsis (§2.2.1, exx. 39–41, p. 516) #

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                                                                                                                              Wh-extraction (§2.2.1, exx. 32a–b, p. 515) #

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                                                                                                                                  Scalar anomaly (§2.3.2, exx. 104, 121–122, pp. 525, 530–531) #

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                                                                                                                                          IT-clefting (§2.2.1, exx. 33–34, pp. 515–516) #

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                                                                                                                                              Lowest-point anomaly (§2.3.2, exx. 106–107, p. 526) #

                                                                                                                                              With B the lowest scale point, negating a non-lowest point yields no a-fortiori conclusion about it (see secondLieutenant_is_lowest).

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                                                                                                                                                  Positive polarity (§2.2.4, exx. 71–72, p. 519) #

                                                                                                                                                  Rare but attested; these challenge a purely syntactic NPI account and are the cases LetAloneConditions.polarity := .positive covers.

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                                                                                                                                                      All judgment data from the paper.

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                                                                                                                                                        All ungrammatical examples.

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                                                                                                                                                          The data cover all four judgment types.