Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Egressy2026

[Egr26]: Size-Sensitive Sequence of Tense in Hungarian #

[Egr26]

János Egressy shows that the availability of the simultaneous reading of a past-under-past configuration in Hungarian depends on a clause-internal property of the embedded clause, not on the matrix verb or on the complementizer hogy (which is an edge marker, not a C head — Hungarian has no CP, [EK23]):

The analysis: speech-reporting clauses carry an extra Say layer (Say > Foc > T) above the bare TP of non-speech-reporting clauses ([Maj21], [Kri23]). The simultaneous reading comes from the optional LF deletion of the embedded PAST under an agreeing matrix PAST — the Sequence of Tense Rule of [Ogi96] / [OS12]. Crucially this SOT-Agree obeys the Williams Cycle ([Wil03a]), i.e. [Kei19]'s selective opacity generalized from movement to Agree: an Agree dependency from T cannot cross a larger Say projection. So it crosses a TP (simultaneous available) but is blocked by a SayP (back-shift only). Williams-Cycle sensitivity favors the SOT-Agree analysis over a res-movement (de re) account of simultaneity ([Abu88], [Abu97]), which would be unboundedly free (see de_re_overgenerates).

Formalization strategy #

The opacity is derived, not stipulated: the Say head sits at fValue 5 in the shared functional sequence (Syntax.Minimalist), and the SOT transparency of a complement is exactly ComplementSize.transparentToSOTAgree (fLevel < fValue .Say). This reuses the very machinery that derives the ban on hyperraising and Hindi long-distance Agree ([Kei20]); see sot_is_selective_opacity. There is no language-wide "SOT stage" parameter — the two Hungarian clause types reproduce the two values of the binary SOTParameter clause-internally (nonSpeech_eq_relative, speech_eq_absolute).

The two clause types and their size #

The clause-internal distinction [Egr26] draws: whether an embedded clause encodes the content of a verbal/representational sign. This is a property of the clause, independent of the matrix verb (hall 'hear' and gondol 'think' embed either type) and of hogy.

  • nonSpeechReporting : ClauseType

    Perception, dreaming, belief: no Say layer, a bare TP.

  • speechReporting : ClauseType

    The content of a verbal/representational sign: an extra Say layer (SayP).

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      The structural size of each clause type in the shared functional sequence: non-speech-reporting = TP, speech-reporting = SayP (Say > Foc > T).

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        Speech-reporting clauses are strictly larger than non-speech-reporting ones (SayP dominates TP).

        SOT-Agree opacity is selective opacity (the Williams Cycle) #

        The Sequence-of-Tense probe: a T-probe whose horizon is the Say layer. Deletion-under-Agree of an embedded PAST searches down from a matrix T and is terminated by a Say head ([Egr26], generalizing [Kei19]).

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          Projected heads of a non-speech-reporting clause (a bare TP): no Say.

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            Projected heads of a speech-reporting clause (a SayP): contains Say.

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              The SOT probe crosses a TP: a non-speech-reporting clause is transparent.

              The SOT probe is blocked by a SayP: a speech-reporting clause is opaque.

              The unification. SOT-Agree opacity is the same selective-opacity mechanism that the syntax layer uses for movement and Agree: the fValue-keyed ComplementSize.transparentToSOTAgree agrees with the horizon-keyed Probe.transparentToLabel of sotProbe on both clause types. (Compare Minimalist.Probe a_movement_typology for hyperraising.)

              Upward entailment ([Kei20]): the SayP boundary is monotone — any complement at or above the Say layer is opaque to SOT-Agree. (Speas–Tenny SA, Force, and C all sit at or above Say.)

              The Egressy license and the predictions #

              The Sequence-of-Tense rule is a SequenceOfTense.LocalLicense: the Say-boundary size gate, refined by an agreeing-past gate (SOT deletion needs an agreeing PAST). Built from the shared schemas, so the predictions are the foundation's Simultaneous/Backshifted, not a study-local reading function.

              def Egressy2026.clauseNode (tense : Finset Ordering) (ct : ClauseType) :

              A clause node: a tense cell (notAfter = past, after = future — the ungated reading set of [KZ18]) and the neutral size of its ClauseType.

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                A past matrix clause (the container; only its tense matters to licensing).

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                  The agreeing-past gate: SOT deletion needs both the container and the contained clause to be morphologically past ([Ogi96]).

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                    [Egr26]'s license: the Say-boundary size gate refined by the agreeing-past gate. The size gate blocks simultaneity in speech-reporting (SayP) clauses; the agreeing-past refinement additionally blocks it under an intervening future (see ex18).

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                      The framework-neutral Clause.transparentTo at the Say boundary reproduces the Minimalist ComplementSize.transparentToSOTAgree — the bridge that justifies stating SOT over Clause.Size rather than Cat.

                      def Egressy2026.toReadings (s : Finset Ordering) :

                      Bridge from licensed atoms to the legacy EmbeddedTenseReading (atoms are canonical; this adapter feeds the binary SOTParameter comparison).

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                        The core asymmetry: simultaneity is blocked exactly in speech-reporting clauses.

                        Unification with the binary SOT parameter #

                        Hungarian is not at a language-wide "SOT stage": its two clause types realize the two values of the binary SOTParameter ([OS12]) clause-internally — a non-speech-reporting clause behaves like an English (.relative) complement, a speech-reporting one like a Japanese (.absolute) one.

                        Empirical data ([Egr26], §2) #

                        The verbs are grounded in Hungarian.Predicates; clause types are assigned by the embedding predicate (perception/cognition → non-speech-reporting; communication → speech-reporting). All examples are past-under-past with the embedded copula volt 'was'.

                        A past-under-past judgment: matrix verb, the embedded clause type, and whether the simultaneous reading is observed.

                        • matrixVerb : String

                          Matrix verb (Hungarian surface form)

                        • matrixGloss : String

                          English gloss of the matrix verb

                        • clauseType : ClauseType

                          The embedded clause type

                        • example_ : String

                          Example sentence

                        • simultaneousObserved : Bool

                          Is the simultaneous reading observed?

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                          def Egressy2026.instReprSOTDatum.repr :
                          SOTDatumStd.Format
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                            ex. (4): direct perception with lát 'see' — simultaneous (only).

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                              ex. (5): direct perception with hall 'hear' — simultaneous (only).

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                                ex. (6): dreaming with álmodik — simultaneous (only).

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                                  ex. (7): belief with gondol 'think' — simultaneous and back-shifted.

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                                    ex. (8): subject clause with aggaszt 'worry' — simultaneous and back-shifted.

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                                      ex. (11a): saying with mond 'say' — back-shifted only.

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                                        ex. (11b): shouting with rikolt 'shout' — back-shifted only.

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                                          ex. (11c): growling with morog 'growl' — back-shifted only.

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                                            All single-embedding judgments.

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                                              The grammatical prediction via the Egressy license: is the simultaneous reading available for this datum's clause type (under a past matrix)?

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                                                Every datum's observed simultaneous availability matches the prediction.

                                                Fragment grounding: matrix verbs are the past forms of the lexical entries.

                                                Pragmatic narrowing: direct perception is simultaneous-only #

                                                For the direct-perception examples (4)–(6) the back-shifted reading is excluded for pragmatic reasons — one cannot directly perceive a past event — even though it is grammatically available (nonSpeech_both). This is the layer-2 Narrowing from the foundation: direct perception intersects the grammatical reading set with the overlapping (=) constraint, leaving simultaneous-only (direct_perception_narrows).

                                                The direct-perception data (perception and dreaming).

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                                                  Direct-perception clauses are observed with the simultaneous reading, while grammatically they are non-speech-reporting (both readings available); the absence of the back-shifted reading is pragmatic.

                                                  Direct perception as a layer-2 Narrowing: it imposes the overlapping (=) constraint — only a simultaneous reading is perceivable.

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                                                    The prose fact as a theorem: direct perception narrows the grammatically both-readings non-speech license down to simultaneous-only.

                                                    Multiple embedding and locality ([Egr26], §2.3) #

                                                    Simultaneity is computed locally between structurally adjacent clauses ([Ogi96]): SequenceOfTense.profile folds egressyLicense pairwise down the chain (matrix first). The simultaneity at each level is Simultaneous of the licensed atoms.

                                                    def Egressy2026.simProfile (chain : List SequenceOfTense.Node) :
                                                    List Bool

                                                    The per-level simultaneity profile of an embedded chain under a past matrix.

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                                                      ex. (16): shout > see > be. The intermediate (content of the shout) is speech-reporting → back-shifted; the deepest (Mari's perception) is non-speech-reporting → simultaneous. Only adjacent clauses interact.

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                                                        ex. (17): hear > shout > be. Intermediate (perception of the shouting) → simultaneous; deepest (content of the shout) → back-shifted. Opposite of (16).

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                                                          Past-under-will-under-past (English; [Ogi96], discussed by [Egr26]): said > will claim > was. The intervening future will (after) is not an agreeing past, so the deepest was has no simultaneous reading — the agreeingPast gate blocks it, independently of size (English is size-insensitive here).

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                                                            Williams-Cycle support over an unbounded de re alternative ([Egr26], §3.3) #

                                                            An unbounded res-movement (de re) derivation would move the embedded PAST to an A-position inside the matrix VP, unstopped by the Say layer — hence size-blind. Egressy argues the Williams Cycle rules this out: a size-blind mechanism would license simultaneity for speech-reporting clauses, contrary to fact. The foil below ([Abu88], [Abu97]) is exactly that size-blind account; the restricted de re of [OS12] (and the Polish account of Mucha, Renans & Romoli) is a different, constrained mechanism this argument does not, on its own, refute.

                                                            The unbounded (size-blind) de re foil: it licenses every reading. Local to this study — it is Egressy's reductio against unbounded res-movement, not a neutral SOT mechanism.

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                                                              The unbounded de re foil overgenerates: size-blind, it licenses simultaneity for a speech-reporting clause, which egressyLicense correctly blocks. This refutes unbounded res-movement, not the restricted de re of [OS12].