[Egr26]: Size-Sensitive Sequence of Tense in Hungarian #
János Egressy shows that the availability of the simultaneous reading of a past-under-past configuration in Hungarian depends on a clause-internal property of the embedded clause, not on the matrix verb or on the complementizer hogy (which is an edge marker, not a C head — Hungarian has no CP, [EK23]):
- Non-speech-reporting clauses (perception, dreaming, belief — clauses that do not encode the content of a verbal/representational sign) pattern like English: a past-under-past clause has a simultaneous reading (and, pragmatics permitting, a back-shifted one).
- Speech-reporting clauses (the content of say/shout/growl) pattern like Japanese: only the back-shifted reading.
The analysis: speech-reporting clauses carry an extra Say layer (Say > Foc >
T) above the bare TP of non-speech-reporting clauses ([Maj21],
[Kri23]). The simultaneous reading comes from the optional LF deletion of
the embedded PAST under an agreeing matrix PAST — the Sequence of Tense
Rule of [Ogi96] / [OS12]. Crucially this SOT-Agree obeys
the Williams Cycle ([Wil03a]), i.e. [Kei19]'s selective
opacity generalized from movement to Agree: an Agree dependency from T
cannot cross a larger Say projection. So it crosses a TP (simultaneous
available) but is blocked by a SayP (back-shift only). Williams-Cycle
sensitivity favors the SOT-Agree analysis over a res-movement (de re) account
of simultaneity ([Abu88], [Abu97]), which would be unboundedly free
(see de_re_overgenerates).
Formalization strategy #
The opacity is derived, not stipulated: the Say head sits at fValue 5
in the shared functional sequence (Syntax.Minimalist), and the SOT
transparency of a complement is exactly ComplementSize.transparentToSOTAgree
(fLevel < fValue .Say). This reuses the very machinery that derives the ban
on hyperraising and Hindi long-distance Agree ([Kei20]); see
sot_is_selective_opacity. There is no language-wide "SOT stage" parameter —
the two Hungarian clause types reproduce the two values of the binary
SOTParameter clause-internally (nonSpeech_eq_relative, speech_eq_absolute).
The two clause types and their size #
The clause-internal distinction [Egr26] draws: whether an embedded
clause encodes the content of a verbal/representational sign. This is a
property of the clause, independent of the matrix verb (hall 'hear' and
gondol 'think' embed either type) and of hogy.
- nonSpeechReporting : ClauseType
Perception, dreaming, belief: no
Saylayer, a bare TP. - speechReporting : ClauseType
The content of a verbal/representational sign: an extra
Saylayer (SayP).
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- Egressy2026.instDecidableEqClauseType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Egressy2026.instReprClauseType = { reprPrec := Egressy2026.instReprClauseType.repr }
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The structural size of each clause type in the shared functional sequence: non-speech-reporting = TP, speech-reporting = SayP (Say > Foc > T).
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Speech-reporting clauses are strictly larger than non-speech-reporting ones (SayP dominates TP).
SOT-Agree opacity is selective opacity (the Williams Cycle) #
The Sequence-of-Tense probe: a T-probe whose horizon is the Say layer.
Deletion-under-Agree of an embedded PAST searches down from a matrix T
and is terminated by a Say head ([Egr26], generalizing
[Kei19]).
Equations
- Egressy2026.sotProbe = { probeHead := Minimalist.Cat.T, horizon := some Minimalist.Cat.Say }
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Projected heads of a non-speech-reporting clause (a bare TP): no Say.
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Projected heads of a speech-reporting clause (a SayP): contains Say.
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The SOT probe crosses a TP: a non-speech-reporting clause is transparent.
The SOT probe is blocked by a SayP: a speech-reporting clause is opaque.
The unification. SOT-Agree opacity is the same selective-opacity
mechanism that the syntax layer uses for movement and Agree: the
fValue-keyed ComplementSize.transparentToSOTAgree agrees with the
horizon-keyed Probe.transparentToLabel of sotProbe on both clause
types. (Compare Minimalist.Probe a_movement_typology for hyperraising.)
Upward entailment ([Kei20]): the SayP boundary is monotone — any
complement at or above the Say layer is opaque to SOT-Agree. (Speas–Tenny
SA, Force, and C all sit at or above Say.)
The Egressy license and the predictions #
The Sequence-of-Tense rule is a SequenceOfTense.LocalLicense: the Say-boundary
size gate, refined by an agreeing-past gate (SOT deletion needs an agreeing
PAST). Built from the shared schemas, so the predictions are the foundation's
Simultaneous/Backshifted, not a study-local reading function.
The Say boundary as a framework-neutral Clause.Size.
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A clause node: a tense cell (notAfter = past, after = future — the
ungated reading set of [KZ18]) and the neutral size of its
ClauseType.
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- Egressy2026.clauseNode tense ct = { tense := tense, size := ct.complementSize.toClauseSize }
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A past matrix clause (the container; only its tense matters to licensing).
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- Egressy2026.pastMatrix = { tense := Core.Order.notAfter, size := 0 }
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The agreeing-past gate: SOT deletion needs both the container and the contained clause to be morphologically past ([Ogi96]).
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- Egressy2026.agreeingPast a c = (a.tense == Core.Order.notAfter && c.tense == Core.Order.notAfter)
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The framework-neutral Clause.transparentTo at the Say boundary reproduces
the Minimalist ComplementSize.transparentToSOTAgree — the bridge that
justifies stating SOT over Clause.Size rather than Cat.
Bridge from licensed atoms to the legacy EmbeddedTenseReading (atoms are
canonical; this adapter feeds the binary SOTParameter comparison).
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Non-speech-reporting (TP) clauses license both readings.
Speech-reporting (SayP) clauses license only the back-shifted reading.
The core asymmetry: simultaneity is blocked exactly in speech-reporting clauses.
Unification with the binary SOT parameter #
Hungarian is not at a language-wide "SOT stage": its two clause types realize
the two values of the binary SOTParameter ([OS12])
clause-internally — a non-speech-reporting clause behaves like an English
(.relative) complement, a speech-reporting one like a Japanese (.absolute) one.
A non-speech-reporting clause reproduces the English (.relative) parameter.
A speech-reporting clause reproduces the Japanese (.absolute) parameter.
Empirical data ([Egr26], §2) #
The verbs are grounded in Hungarian.Predicates; clause types are assigned by
the embedding predicate (perception/cognition → non-speech-reporting;
communication → speech-reporting). All examples are past-under-past with the
embedded copula volt 'was'.
A past-under-past judgment: matrix verb, the embedded clause type, and whether the simultaneous reading is observed.
- matrixVerb : String
Matrix verb (Hungarian surface form)
- matrixGloss : String
English gloss of the matrix verb
- clauseType : ClauseType
The embedded clause type
- example_ : String
Example sentence
- simultaneousObserved : Bool
Is the simultaneous reading observed?
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Equations
- Egressy2026.instReprSOTDatum = { reprPrec := Egressy2026.instReprSOTDatum.repr }
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ex. (4): direct perception with lát 'see' — simultaneous (only).
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ex. (5): direct perception with hall 'hear' — simultaneous (only).
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ex. (6): dreaming with álmodik — simultaneous (only).
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ex. (7): belief with gondol 'think' — simultaneous and back-shifted.
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ex. (8): subject clause with aggaszt 'worry' — simultaneous and back-shifted.
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ex. (11a): saying with mond 'say' — back-shifted only.
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ex. (11b): shouting with rikolt 'shout' — back-shifted only.
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ex. (11c): growling with morog 'growl' — back-shifted only.
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All single-embedding judgments.
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The grammatical prediction via the Egressy license: is the simultaneous reading available for this datum's clause type (under a past matrix)?
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Every datum's observed simultaneous availability matches the prediction.
Fragment grounding: matrix verbs are the past forms of the lexical entries.
Pragmatic narrowing: direct perception is simultaneous-only #
For the direct-perception examples (4)–(6) the back-shifted reading is excluded
for pragmatic reasons — one cannot directly perceive a past event — even
though it is grammatically available (nonSpeech_both). This is the layer-2
Narrowing from the foundation: direct perception intersects the grammatical
reading set with the overlapping (=) constraint, leaving simultaneous-only
(direct_perception_narrows).
The direct-perception data (perception and dreaming).
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Direct-perception clauses are observed with the simultaneous reading, while grammatically they are non-speech-reporting (both readings available); the absence of the back-shifted reading is pragmatic.
Direct perception as a layer-2 Narrowing: it imposes the overlapping (=)
constraint — only a simultaneous reading is perceivable.
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The prose fact as a theorem: direct perception narrows the grammatically both-readings non-speech license down to simultaneous-only.
Multiple embedding and locality ([Egr26], §2.3) #
Simultaneity is computed locally between structurally adjacent clauses
([Ogi96]): SequenceOfTense.profile folds egressyLicense pairwise down
the chain (matrix first). The simultaneity at each level is Simultaneous of
the licensed atoms.
The per-level simultaneity profile of an embedded chain under a past matrix.
Equations
- Egressy2026.simProfile chain = List.map (fun (s : Finset Ordering) => decide (SequenceOfTense.Simultaneous s)) (SequenceOfTense.profile Egressy2026.egressyLicense Egressy2026.pastMatrix chain)
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ex. (16): shout > see > be. The intermediate (content of the shout) is speech-reporting → back-shifted; the deepest (Mari's perception) is non-speech-reporting → simultaneous. Only adjacent clauses interact.
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ex. (17): hear > shout > be. Intermediate (perception of the shouting) → simultaneous; deepest (content of the shout) → back-shifted. Opposite of (16).
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ex. (10): dream > see > be, all non-speech-reporting → simultaneous throughout.
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ex. (15): shout > growl > be, all speech-reporting → back-shifted throughout.
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Past-under-will-under-past (English; [Ogi96], discussed by
[Egr26]): said > will claim > was. The intervening future will
(after) is not an agreeing past, so the deepest was has no simultaneous
reading — the agreeingPast gate blocks it, independently of size (English
is size-insensitive here).
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Williams-Cycle support over an unbounded de re alternative ([Egr26], §3.3) #
An unbounded res-movement (de re) derivation would move the embedded PAST to
an A-position inside the matrix VP, unstopped by the Say layer — hence
size-blind. Egressy argues the Williams Cycle rules this out: a size-blind
mechanism would license simultaneity for speech-reporting clauses, contrary to
fact. The foil below ([Abu88], [Abu97]) is exactly that size-blind
account; the restricted de re of [OS12] (and the Polish
account of Mucha, Renans & Romoli) is a different, constrained mechanism this
argument does not, on its own, refute.
The unbounded (size-blind) de re foil: it licenses every reading. Local to this study — it is Egressy's reductio against unbounded res-movement, not a neutral SOT mechanism.
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The unbounded de re foil overgenerates: size-blind, it licenses
simultaneity for a speech-reporting clause, which egressyLicense correctly
blocks. This refutes unbounded res-movement, not the restricted de re of
[OS12].