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Linglib.Studies.Deal2026

Deal (2026): Clausal complementation as relativization, revisited #

[Dea26] argues that the relative-like notional complement clauses of Nez Perce ("relative embeddings") are CPs containing an Ā-dependency launched above TP — not DPs or PPs. Clausal complementation is therefore not uniformly relativization ([Kay08], [Kay14], [Ars09]), and factivity, relative-embedding syntax, and nominalization dissociate cross-linguistically ((79)–(81)), though within Nez Perce all relative embeddings are factive. Formalized here: the (79) typology as extended clause spines (Minimalist.ClauseSpine), with shell superstructure, bare-CP status, nominal-shell status, and the selected category all derived from each row's spine; the per-predicate embedding strategy derived from the Fragment's yox̂ ke edge observable; the factivity dissociations; and the case-inflection half of the yox̂-is-D diagnostic. Deal's c-selection point — relative-embedding takers and simplex-takers alike select a CP, the contrast being CP-internal — awaits LI-level Nez Perce entries (Minimalist.SimpleLI selection stacks).

TODO #

Embedding strategy from the yox̂ ke edge #

The Fragment carries the morphological observable (yoxKeEdge); Deal's analytical classification is derived from it: obligatory yox̂ ke on the complement edge ↔ a syntactic Ā-dependency above TP inside the embedded CP. Both classes c-select a CP — the relative-vs-simplex contrast is internal to the selected clause, not a c-selectional difference.

The two embedding strategies [Dea26] distinguishes.

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      A predicate is relative-canonical in Deal's analysis iff its complement obligatorily carries the yox̂ ke edge morphology.

      The cross-linguistic shell typology #

      [Dea26]'s (79) describes each notional complement by its extended spine — the projected heads from V upward, including any nominal or adpositional superstructure over C. The shell vocabulary is derived: the shells are spine.above .C, bare-CP-hood is highestHead = .C, a nominal shell is a [+N] head above C ([Cho70] features via catFeatures), and the category the matrix predicate selects is the spine's highest head. The internal-Ā axis remains a recorded datum (probe-bearing structure is not yet represented).

      A row of [Dea26]'s (79): a language × construction with its extended spine and internal-Ā status.

      • language : String
      • construction : String
      • Projected heads of the notional complement, V up through any CP-external shells.

      • hasInternalAbar : Bool

        Whether the embedded CP contains an internal Ā-dependency.

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          Nothing projects above C ((79)'s V CP row).

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            The clause complex is wrapped in a nominal projection: some head above C is [+N].

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              A Nez Perce row, derived from the Fragment's edge observable: a bare finite CP whose internal Ā-dependency is Deal's interpretation of obligatory yox̂ ke edge morphology.

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                The Nez Perce relative-embedding row ([Dea26] §3, §5).

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                  English simplex V complementation (think): bare CP, no Ā ((79)'s V CP row).

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                    The Adyghe relative-embedding row from [CP11a], exhibited at [Dea26] §4 (43): V D N CP with internal Ā. The Ā-flag is derived from the Fragment observable — 'think' requires the relativizer + high-applicative ze-re- on its tensed complement. Deal cites Caponigro & Polinsky as theoretical kin on the high origin of the operator while diverging on the external shell.

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                      The English N-complementation row of (79)'s V D N CP / no-Ā cell (the fact that S) — the DP shell with an N co-argument envisioned by [HM21], as Deal notes in §7.

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                        The Bulgarian relative-embedding row from [Kra10], exhibited at [Dea26] §4 (49): V P D CP (za over demonstrative tova over the deto-CP; both heads can be null) with internal Ā. The Ā-flag is derived from the Fragment observable — săžaljavam 'regret' takes the deto-complement Krapova analyzes as a hidden relative.

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                          The Ndebele row, exhibited at [Dea26] §7 (78): V P D CP with no Ā-dependency. [Pie19]'s general claim is a direct DP shell over the CP (class-15 augment = D over kuthi); the P here is the independent preposition nga 'about' of the (78) exhibit (her (20b), khuluma nga), so this row records the attested P-over-DP combination, not the language's only shape.

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                            The Washo factive row from [BH21], [HB17]: V D CP, no Ā — not a row of (79); [Dea26] fn. 33 notes the structure as "defended in the literature" for Washo, with no known relative-embedding instance. The D is silent, with the nominalizer -gi ~ -ge spelling out a separate idx head, and no intervening N ('fact'-nouns are unattested in the language); the Fragment observable (Washo.Clause.hamupay.edge = .nominalized) records the nominalization this cell rests on.

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                              The rows of [Dea26]'s (79) — all six cells of the 3×2 table are filled, with V CP / no-Ā doubly witnessed — plus the Washo V D CP structure from footnote 33.

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                                Not every row of (79) carries an internal Ā-dependency: the universalist position that all clausal complementation is relativization ([Kay08], [Ars09]) fails on the no-Ā rows (Nez Perce simplex, English think, Ndebele, Washo).

                                theorem Deal2026.bareCP_abar_dissociates :
                                (∃ cshellTypology, c.IsBareCP c.hasInternalAbar = true) cshellTypology, c.IsBareCP c.hasInternalAbar = false

                                Bare CPs occur with and without an internal Ā-dependency: relative embeddings are real, and not all complementation is relativization.

                                relative embeddings vary in nominal superstructure: some carry their Ā-dependency inside a nominal shell (Adyghe V D N CP, Bulgarian V P D CP).

                                Every row's spine extends the same finite-CP core: the rows differ only above C.

                                The category the matrix predicate selects — the spine's highest head — nonetheless varies across the rows: C, D, and P are all attested. With shared_cP_core, this derives [Dea26] §7's moral: the internal syntax of a clause does not predict its external syntax.

                                Factivity and relative-embedding syntax vary independently #

                                [Dea26] (80): factivity and relative-embedding syntax dissociate — cross-linguistically the axes vary "independently to at least some extent", while within Nez Perce the entailment holds one way only (all relative embeddings are factive, relativeCanonical_all_factive; not all factives are relative embeddings). The fourth cell (non-factive + Ā) is Adyghe, where the relative strategy is required for all tensed notional complementation regardless of factivity ([CP11a] §6.5, as Deal reports) — now witnessed from Fragment data (nonfactive_relative_attested). Bulgarian dissociates in the same direction as Nez Perce: Bulgarian.Clause.factivity_not_sufficient_for_deto.

                                Factivity does not coincide with the embedding strategy across the Fragment inventory.

                                The dissociating witness: a factive simplex-taker (cuukwe 'know').

                                The co-occurring cell: a factive relative-embedding taker (lilooy 'be happy').

                                The fourth cell of (80) — non-factive + Ā — witnessed from Fragment data: Adyghe 'think' is consensus-non-factive and requires ze-re- on its tensed complement ([CP11a] (96) vs (98)).

                                Projection does not distinguish relative from simplex #

                                Deal's factivity trials assess projection only — "in claiming that RE verbs are factive, what I claim is that their complement clause content is projective" (§3), in the [TBRS13] sense. On that dimension cuukwe and lilooy are indistinguishable; the relative-vs-simplex split lives at the embedding-strategy layer.

                                The projection dimension does not distinguish cuukwe from lilooy: both are factive.

                                The D-inflection diagnostic #

                                The relative pronoun yox̂/ko inflects for case: cells with distinct cases share no forms. This is the case-inflection half of [Dea26] §2's diagnostic ((21)) that yox̂/ko is a D while invariant ke is a C — the D half of the yox̂ ke edge whose obligatoriness yoxKeEdge records.