Deal (2026): Clausal complementation as relativization, revisited #
Paper's central claims #
In Nez Perce, some but not all notional complement clauses show the characteristic morphology of relativization. [Dea26] argues that the relative-like notional complement clauses ("relative embeddings", REs) are CPs — not DPs/PPs — containing an internal Ā-dependency from a high functional projection above TP. Three primary conclusions:
- Not all clausal complementation is relativization (refuting [Kay08], [Kay14], [Ars09]).
- Relative-like notional complement clauses vary across languages in nominal superstructure ([Dea26] Table 79: V CP / V D N CP / V P D CP) and in factive inferences (Tables 80–81).
- Factivity, RE-syntax, and nominalization are three orthogonal axes — no one entails another.
What this file contributes #
- The bundled
NotionalComplementShapeanalytical record (Deal-specific apparatus per CLAUDE.md "paper-specific apparatus stays in Studies"). - Table 79 sample: V CP / V D N CP / V P D CP cells for five languages.
- The
nezPerceEmbedStrategyprojection: derives RE-vs-simplex from Fragment-level Noonan/factivity data plus the Deal-analytical Ā-dep presence flag. - ke-agreement as
Minimalist.SatisfactionCond.disjunctive([Dea15], [Dea24] framework; bridge toSyntax/Minimalist/Agree.lean§14). - Cross-classification theorems: factivity ⊥ RE-structure; factivity ⊥ nominalization.
- Cross-framework comparison notes (HPSG modifier-only RC; Cacchioli 2025 Tigrinya in-system counterargument).
What this file does NOT contribute #
- §6 indexical-shift / sequence-of-tense formal predictions: deferred pending
a Kaplanian-context-shifting substrate (
[deal-2020]book is the reference theory). Existingdeal-2020bib entry but no implementation module. - A full HPSG-side bridge theorem: documented as silent divergence;
formalisation requires updating
HPSG/RelativeClauses.leanto parameterise its currently-hardcodedMOD NPanalysis. - A
commentative-emitting fix toderiveCTPClassinStudies/Noonan2007.lean: blocked on VerbEntry schema (regret and know have identical features inFragments/English/Predicates/Verbal.lean).
Disagreements documented but not formalised #
[Kay08], [Kay14], [Ars09]: universalist position (all complementation = relativization). Deal 2026 §7 refutes by exhibiting bare-CP cells with no internal Ā-dependency.
[dC17]: opposing position — complement clauses are never relatives. Compatible with Deal 2026 for English simplex; incompatible with Deal for Adyghe/Bulgarian/Nez Perce REs.
[HB17], [BH21]: Washo factive complementation as nominalization (V D CP). Deal 2026 §7 accepts this for Washo but refutes the universal extension to all factives — Nez Perce REs are factive without nominal superstructure.
[Mou15]: CPs are predicates (type ⟨e, t⟩), not propositions
(type t), composing with attitude verbs via predicate modification. This
analysis is orthogonal to Deal 2026's typology — it concerns the semantic
type of the embedded CP, not its external syntactic shell. The two analyses
intersect on barePropositionalCP cells (Moulton's CP-predicate semantics
applies most directly there) but Deal's nominalization cells (V D N CP,
V P D CP) shift composition into the nominal layer where Moulton's
predicate-modification mechanism may not directly apply.
The full Deal-2026 description of a notional complement clause: internal
spine + external shell + presence of internal Ā-dependency. Bundled here
rather than in substrate to keep the per-axis primitives reusable
(ClauseSpine, Slot.ShellInventory, AbarDep) for non-Deal accounts.
The three axes are independent in [Dea26] Table 79: each cell in the 4×2 cross-classification (CP-superstructure × ±Ā) is filled or explicitly noted as predicted-but-unattested.
- internal : Minimalist.ClauseSpine
Internal spine of the embedded clause (typically
ClauseSpine.cP). - external : Slot.ShellInventory
External wrapping shells from C outward (
bareCP / dCP / dnCP / pdCP). - hasInternalAbar : Bool
Whether the embedded CP contains an internal Ā-dependency.
Instances For
Equations
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The two Nez Perce shapes from [Dea26] §3 vs §6.
Equations
- Deal2026.nezPerceREShape = { internal := Minimalist.ClauseSpine.cP, external := Slot.ShellInventory.bareCP, hasInternalAbar := true }
Instances For
Equations
- Deal2026.nezPerceSimplexShape = { internal := Minimalist.ClauseSpine.cP, external := Slot.ShellInventory.bareCP, hasInternalAbar := false }
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The Adyghe RE shape from [CP11a], exhibited at [Dea26] §4 (43): V D N CP with internal Ā.
Equations
- Deal2026.adygheREShape = { internal := Minimalist.ClauseSpine.cP, external := Slot.ShellInventory.dnCP, hasInternalAbar := true }
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The Bulgarian RE shape from [Kra10], exhibited at [Dea26] §4 (49): V P D CP with internal Ā.
Equations
- Deal2026.bulgarianREShape = { internal := Minimalist.ClauseSpine.cP, external := Slot.ShellInventory.pdCP, hasInternalAbar := true }
Instances For
The Ndebele simplex shape from [Pie19], exhibited at [Dea26] §7 (78): V P D CP with no Ā-dependency.
Equations
- Deal2026.ndebeleShape = { internal := Minimalist.ClauseSpine.cP, external := Slot.ShellInventory.pdCP, hasInternalAbar := false }
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The Washo factive shape from [BH21], [HB17]: V D CP (D wraps CP, no intervening N). [Dea26] footnote 33 explicitly notes this cell as attested "for example, for Washo (Bochnak & Hanink 2021)" but absent from the main Table 79 because no example language combines V D CP with an internal Ā-dependency. We include the no-Ā version.
Equations
- Deal2026.washoShape = { internal := Minimalist.ClauseSpine.cP, external := Slot.ShellInventory.dCP, hasInternalAbar := false }
Instances For
An entry in [Dea26] Table 79: a language × construction with its NotionalComplementShape.
- language : String
- construction : String
- shape : NotionalComplementShape
Instances For
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- Deal2026.instReprTable79Cell = { reprPrec := Deal2026.instReprTable79Cell.repr }
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The seven attested Table-79 cells (Deal 2026 main Table 79 + Washo cell from footnote 33 per [BH21]).
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Drift sentry: table79 covers exactly the seven (language, construction)
pairs Deal lists in §7 main Table 79 plus the Washo cell from footnote 33.
The Kayne-Arsenij'evi'c universalist hypothesis — that all clausal complementation is relativization — stated on the Ā-axis: not every Table 79 cell carries an internal Ā-dependency. (The retired surface-enum version undercounted — Adyghe/Bulgarian REs DO relativize, inside a nominal shell, and are not counterexamples; the counterexamples are the no-Ā cells: Nez Perce simplex, English think, Ndebele, Washo.)
Deal 2026's positive contribution, on the two axes: bare CP + Ā attested (REs are real); bare CP without Ā attested (not all complementation is relativization); a nominal shell attested (consistent with prior nominalization analyses for some languages).
The combination the surface enum could not express — claim 2: REs vary in nominal superstructure (Adyghe V D N CP, Bulgarian V P D CP carry Ā inside a nominal shell).
Greek pu-complement shape per [Ang26]: bare CP with no internal Ā-dependency and no nominal shell (Greek lacks a silent situation noun, so pu cannot nominalize per paper §5). The categorial [n]-feature on C is checked structurally (light noun in Spec) rather than by a nominal shell — witnessing that the (factive, bare-CP) combination is attested.
Equations
- Deal2026.greekPuComplementShape = { internal := Minimalist.ClauseSpine.cP, external := Slot.ShellInventory.bareCP, hasInternalAbar := false }
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Headline orthogonality (Deal 2026 Tables 80–81) #
The central typological discovery: factivity does not predict RE-structure in either direction.
- Factive + RE-structure: Nez Perce REs (e.g. liloy 'be happy').
- Factive + simplex: Nez Perce cuukwe 'know'.
- Non-factive + RE-structure: Adyghe REs (per [CP11a]).
- Non-factive + simplex: Nez Perce neki/hi; English think.
All four cells are attested: factivity neither necessitates nor precludes
RE-syntax. The factive flag is per [Dea26] §3 projection-test
diagnoses. The Adyghe non-factive RE judgement is attributed to
[CP11a] via [Dea26] §7 Table 80.
The fourth cell (non-factive + RE) #
Documented by [Dea26] §7 (Table 80) as instantiated by Adyghe per [CP11a]. Absent a formalised Adyghe Fragment, this is recorded as an unproven Lean claim: in linglib Adyghe is not yet present at Fragment level.
TODO(adyghe-fragment): once Fragments/Adyghe/ClausalEmbedding.lean lands,
replace this prose with a theorem adyghe_re_nonfactive.
Deal 2026 Table 81 #
- Factive + nominalization: Washo forget (per [HB17]).
- Factive + no nominalization: Nez Perce REs (the headline Deal-2026 finding, refuting the [HB17] universal extension).
- Non-factive + nominalization: Turkish düşün- 'think' (per [Dea26] §7 citing Özyıldız 2017).
- Non-factive + no nominalization: Washo, Nez Perce 'think'.
Nez Perce REs are factive without external nominal shell.
The bare-CP shell contains neither D nor N.
Observable-driven derivation (Pattern B architecture) #
The Fragment carries a single morphological observable
(requiresYoxKeEdge : Bool) per [Dea26] §3 (28). Deal's two
analytical commitments — the embedding-strategy classification and the
selectional-feature stack — are derived from this observable, not
stipulated alongside it. The derivation is the theory; the observable
is the data.
This pattern lets alternative theories provide alternative derivation functions over the same Fragment observable, making cross-theory divergence theorems expressible (currently only Deal's derivation is supplied; an Adyghe-style or Krapova-style derivation would be a straightforward sibling Studies file).
The two embedding strategies [Dea26] distinguishes.
- re : EmbeddingStrategy
- simplex : EmbeddingStrategy
Instances For
Equations
- Deal2026.instDecidableEqEmbeddingStrategy x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Deal2026.instReprEmbeddingStrategy = { reprPrec := Deal2026.instReprEmbeddingStrategy.repr }
Deal 2026's per-verb embedding-strategy classification, derived from
the Fragment-level observable requiresYoxKeEdge. The interpretation
is Deal's: morphological obligation of yox̂ ke on the complement
edge ↔ syntactic Ā-dependency above TP. The bi-conditional is
strategy_iff_yoxKe below — was previously trivially rfl over a
list-membership check, now expresses the genuine theory commitment.
Equations
- Deal2026.nezPerceEmbedStrategy v = if v.requiresYoxKeEdge = true then Deal2026.EmbeddingStrategy.re else Deal2026.EmbeddingStrategy.simplex
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Deal's selectional commitment for a Nez Perce embedder: the verb c-selects a CP, and (for RE-takers) requires that CP to contain an internal Ā-dependency above TP.
Note that Deal's analysis is not standard c-selection: c-selection
only sees the outer category of the complement, and both RE-takers
and simplex-takers c-select uniformly for .C (a CP). The RE-vs-simplex
distinction is in the internal structure of the selected CP —
whether its head bears the [+Ā] feature triggering operator movement
above TP. We separate the two by storing both the c-selectional
outer category and a Boolean flag for the internal-Ā requirement.
- outerCat : Minimalist.Cat
Outer category the verb c-selects for (always
.Cfor embedders). - requiresInternalAbar : Bool
Whether the selected CP must contain an internal Ā-dependency. Maps to Deal's [+Ā] feature on the C head of the embedded clause.
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Deal 2026's selectional analysis: derived entirely from the Fragment
observable requiresYoxKeEdge. The verb uniformly c-selects for a CP;
only the internal-Ā requirement varies between RE-takers and
simplex-takers.
Equations
- Deal2026.dealSelectionalProfile v = { outerCat := Minimalist.Cat.C, requiresInternalAbar := v.requiresYoxKeEdge }
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The headline derivation theorem: a Nez Perce embedder is RE-canonical
in Deal's analysis iff its complement obligatorily carries the
yox̂ ke edge morphology. Replaces what was previously a trivial
rfl over membership in a hand-curated list.
Deal's selectional analysis: an embedder selects for a CP with internal Ā-dependency iff it requires yox̂ ke edge marking.
Every Nez Perce embedder uniformly c-selects for .C. The RE-vs-simplex
contrast is not a c-selectional difference — it lives in the internal
structure of the selected CP.
Per-verb sanity checks (decidable lookup of the observable).
Per-verb selectional sanity. liloy selects a CP requiring internal Ā; neki selects a bare CP.
Every RE-canonical embedder gets EmbeddingStrategy.re (now follows
from the Fragment observable, not from list-membership).
Bridge to [TBRS13] taxonomy #
The Tonhauser et al. classes are formalised in
Semantics/Presupposition/ProjectiveContent.lean (ProjectiveClass.classA–
classD). Factive predicates project as Class C (SCF=no, OLE=yes — the same
class as English know). The Class C trigger know_complement is one of
the listed examples (see ProjectiveTrigger.know_complement).
Non-factive predicates introduce no projective content and so map to none.
Project a Nez Perce embedder onto the Tonhauser projective-content taxonomy. Factive predicates map to Class C (the know-class); non-factives have no projective content.
Equations
- Deal2026.derivedProjectiveClass v = if v.factive = true then some Semantics.Presupposition.ProjectiveContent.ProjectiveClass.classC else none
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All RE-canonical predicates project as Tonhauser Class C. This bridges Deal's empirical Nez Perce data to the typed [TBRS13] taxonomy.
cuukwe 'know' projects as Class C — same projective class as Deal-RE-canonical predicates, despite cuukwe being simplex-canonical. Confirms factivity ⊥ RE-structure at the Tonhauser-substrate level.
neki 'think' has no projective content (non-factive).
Bridges between four substrate layers #
The Studies file integrates four independent substrate layers:
- Fragment: per-verb consensus typology (CTPClass, factive)
- Tonhauser projective content: ProjectiveClass (Semantics/Presupposition/)
- Deal-internal: EmbeddingStrategy + NotionalComplementShape
- Shell/Ā axes:
Slot.ShellInventory+hasNominalShell(Syntax/Clause/Frame.lean)
The bridge theorems below derive load-bearing predictions across these layers rather than stipulating them.
The analytical shape associated with each embedding strategy.
re predicates select nezPerceREShape; simplex predicates select
nezPerceSimplexShape.
Equations
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Strategy-shape correspondence on the Ā-axis: the shape an embedder's strategy selects carries an internal Ā-dependency exactly when the Fragment observable holds.
All three Table-79 RE cells (Nez Perce, Adyghe, Bulgarian) carry an
internal Ā-dependency. The shared hasInternalAbar = true is the
universal property of REs that survives Deal's typological dissolution.
All three Table-79 simplex/embedding cells (Nez Perce simplex, English think, Ndebele, Washo factive) lack internal Ā.
The four-cell cross-classification of Tables 80–81 is exhaustively
populated: every combination of (factive, hasInternalAbar) is attested
by at least one (verb, shape) pair. The fourth cell (non-factive + Ā)
is documented from [CP11a]'s Adyghe REs as
cited by Deal — Adyghe REs combine adygheREShape (hasInternalAbar=true)
with predicates that are not factive in Caponigro & Polinsky's analysis
(Deal §7 p. 53).
What Tonhauser substrate alone CANNOT see #
The headline cross-classification's fourth cell (factive + simplex,
Nez Perce cuukwe) and first cell (factive + RE, Nez Perce liloy)
both project to Tonhauser Class C. The Tonhauser substrate alone cannot
distinguish them — the distinction lives at the EmbeddingStrategy /
NotionalComplementShape layer, not at the projective-content layer.
This is informative: it shows that Deal's typology is strictly finer- grained than Tonhauser's, and motivates the need for substrate at the Probe / ClauseSpine layer (where the Ā-dep distinction is visible).
Tonhauser projective class does not distinguish cuukwe from liloy.
But the embedding-strategy projection DOES distinguish them.
ke as a φ-probe on C ([Dea15]) #
[Dea26] §2 argues ke is a C-head with a φ-probe rather than a relative pronoun. The argument: ke's φ-features track the embedded subject (sometimes plus object), starting from the highest argument and proceeding down — exactly the [Dea15] interaction-satisfaction algorithm probing into c-command domain.
The C-probe is satisfied either by feature-match (yielding overt person
agreement) or by encountering the TP boundary (yielding null surface
agreement). We model this with [Dea24]'s SatisfactionCond.disjunctive.
Caveat: the existing Agree.lean featuresMatch uses sameType matching
(see Agree.lean:234), which collapses 1st/2nd/3rd person into a single
"person feature type." A finer-grained valueMatch substrate would be
needed to formalise Deal's 1st vs 3rd person split. The disjunctive shape
here is faithful to the framework but currently distinguishes only
"person-feature-present" vs "no-feature-encountered-T."
ke's satisfaction condition: matched by any φ-feature (collapsed by
sameType regardless of person value), or by encountering the TP head.
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ke is satisfied by a subject bearing person features (any person, due to
sameType matching in Agree.lean).
ke is satisfied by encountering the TP boundary even with no φ-features on the goal — the disjunctive escape that yields null surface agreement.
The head-encounter satisfaction copies no features (default null surface agreement when subject lacks φ).
REs contain a high Ā-dependency ([Dea26] §5) #
Deal §5 argues the relative operator originates above TP — a high
functional projection — based on absence of low-position cyclic effects
and the always-nominative form of the relative pronoun. We attach the
existing keineĀDep (Ā-probe on C, fValue 6) as the substrate witness;
the alternative low analysis (Aboh's Gungbe lexical-Ā) is documented
but not formalised.
A Nez Perce RE's internal Ā-dependency is — in Probe-substrate terms —
Minimalist.keineĀDep (the substrate witness defined in Probe.lean §4b).
Deal's "high functional projection above TP" claim falls out of
Minimalist.keineĀDep_isHigh without re-stipulation here.
Equations
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The Nez Perce RE Ā-dependency is "high" in Deal's sense: above TP. Inherited directly from the substrate theorem, no re-proof.
Silent divergence with HPSG #
Syntax/HPSG/RelativeClauses.lean:87-93 hard-codes RC =
modifier (isMod = true, theorem relClause_is_modifier). [Dea26]'s
analysis of Nez Perce REs as complement CPs (not modifier RCs) sits
incompatibly with this Minimalist-only framing: HPSG would either need to
recognise REs as a third structural type (not modifier, not bare
complementation), or accept that the RE-vs-RC distinction is a
Minimalist-internal one with no HPSG analogue. The bridge theorem
HPSG.isMod ↔ ¬ Minimalist.cp_complementation_via_re is filed as future
work — promoted from "implicit assumption" to a substrate question.
Healthy convergence with Cacchioli 2025 #
Studies/Cacchioli2025.lean independently
establishes that Tigrinya distinguishes kemzi (factive complementizer)
from zi (relativizer/general subordinator) without syncretism. This is a
language-internal counterargument to the universalist
"complementation = relativization" claim, parallel to [Dea26]'s
Nez Perce-internal contrast between simplex (no yox̂ ke) and RE (with
yox̂ ke) embeddings. The two papers reinforce each other across distinct
language families.
Convergence with Caponigro & Polinsky 2011 #
[CP11a]'s Adyghe analysis shares Deal's "high Ā origin" claim while diverging on the V D N CP shell shape. Deal 2026 §5 explicitly cites Caponigro & Polinsky as theoretical kin.
§6 indexical shift / SoT formalisation deferred #
[Dea26] §6 establishes that REs block shifty pronouns and require
matching tense (vs. simplex embeddings where shift and relative-tense are
both available). The semantic substrate for these claims is
[Dea20]'s A Theory of Indexical Shift book; that substrate is
not yet implemented in linglib (no Semantics/IndexicalShift/
directory exists; existing Semantics/Reference/{ShiftedIndexicals, Monsters,Kaplan}.lean cover Kaplanian framing but not Deal's Σ-monsters
specifically).
Until the substrate lands, the §6 contrasts can only be documented in
prose. Decide-checking a shiftedReading? : Sentence → Bool = false
predicate would be the "encoding conclusions as definitions" anti-pattern.
Future work: import deal-2020 substrate (when implemented) and prove
re_blocks_shift : ∀ p ∈ reCanonical, p.allowsShift = false against actual
indexical-shift semantics.