Dalrymple & Kaplan 2000: Feature Indeterminacy and Feature Resolution #
Set-valued syntactic features, against atomic-value-plus-equality. Two phenomena, one representational move (§4, eq. 25: "Sets encode indeterminate feature possibilities"):
- Indeterminacy (distributive features: case, noun class, vform): a syncretic form
bears a set of atomic values — German was
{NOM, ACC}— and contextual requirements are membership assertions (ACC ∈ (↑ OBJ CASE)), not equalities. The paper refutes the two obvious alternatives: disjunctive specification DNF-collapses into a homophone listing (§3.1), and underspecification both derivesNOM = ACCby transitivity of equality and overgenerates dative contexts (§3.2). - Resolution (nondistributive features: person, gender): a coordinate phrase's
person/gender is the union of its conjuncts' marker sets (§6, §7) — person values
are subsets of
{S, H}({S}1exc,{S,H}1inc,{H}2nd,{}3rd), and the union analysis predicts the full Fula paradigm (87–88), the collapsed English/Spanish/Slovak system (91–92), and the gender tables of Hindi (112), Icelandic (120), and Slovene with the conjunction contributingF(126–127).
The deliberate sharp line (§8): resolving features are never indeterminate —
Hindi wah is masc-or-fem by wide-scope disjunction (ambiguity), not by a set
value, which is why *wah arrived.MASC and arrived.FEM fails (128).
This is the flagship counterexample to treating the flat information order
(Morphology/Unification.lean) as linguistically definitional: indeterminate
agreement is an annotation-level phenomenon demanding non-flat (set-valued) slots.
toIndet below certifies the relationship — the flat order embeds into the
(superset-ordered) indeterminacy lattice as the determinate fragment, with none
(no information) mapping to the universal set.
Formal highlights replicated as theorems: the German/Polish contrast set
((17)/(28) vs (32); (40) vs (41)), the §3 refutations, verb-side indeterminacy
(Xhosa (56), Chicheŵa (59), German kaufen (62)), the resolution tables, the
minimal-model derivation of José y tu (96–97), the Sag-et-al intersection
refutation (§6.5, (100)–(101) vs Fula), and the De Morgan duality (102–103) — which
is mathlib's Finset.compl_union. The person-marker sets also project onto the
binary person decomposition of Features/Person.lean, with the inclusive/exclusive
collapse made explicit.
§4: indeterminate values are sets; checking is membership #
An indeterminate feature value: the set of atomic values the form can realize (eq. 25). Singleton = determinate.
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- DalrympleKaplan2000.IndetVal α = Finset α
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Contextual requirement (eq. 27): the required atom is a member of the value set.
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- DalrympleKaplan2000.requires c v = (c ∈ v)
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German relative pronouns (26): wer nominative, was syncretic, wem dative.
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Polish (40)/(41): kogo {ACC, GEN} survives coordination of an ACC-taking and a
GEN-taking verb; co {NOM, ACC} does not.
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§3: why the rival accounts fail #
An atomic-value account: one case value checked by equality against every requirement.
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- DalrympleKaplan2000.atomicSatisfies x reqs = ∀ r ∈ reqs, x = r
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§3.2 (eq. 24): no single atomic value satisfies both verbs of (17) — transitivity
of equality would force NOM = ACC.
§3.1 (18)–(21): disjunctive specification means choosing one disjunct per
utterance — and every choice from {NOM, ACC} fails one of the two requirements.
The set-based account (was_satisfies_both) succeeds where every disjunctive
resolution fails: that contrast is the paper's argument.
§4.4: indeterminate requirements (verb-side sets) #
Xhosa (54)–(56): zibomvu requires its subject's noun class to be in {7/8, 9/10}
(classes as their singular-class numbers), so class-7/8 izandla and class-9/10
neendlebe conjuncts each satisfy it.
German (60)–(63): kaufen imposes (↑ SUBJ PERSON) ∈ {1, 3}; right-node raising
over a 1-person and a 3-person subject satisfies the requirement in each conjunct.
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The refinement certificate: the flat order is the determinate fragment #
Morphology/Unification.lean's flat slot order embeds into the indeterminacy
lattice: a determinate commitment some x is the singleton {x}, and no
information is the universal set (any realization possible). Information increases
as sets shrink, so the embedding is order-reversing into ⊆ — i.e. an embedding
into the superset order. Set-valued slots are a refinement of the flat layer, not a
rival to it.
A flat slot as an indeterminate value: none = no commitment = anything goes.
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- DalrympleKaplan2000.toIndet none = Finset.univ
- DalrympleKaplan2000.toIndet (some x) = {x}
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§§5–6: feature resolution — person as marker sets, resolution as union #
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- DalrympleKaplan2000.instDecidableEqMarker x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- DalrympleKaplan2000.instReprMarker = { reprPrec := DalrympleKaplan2000.instReprMarker.repr }
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Fula's four-way system (87): full use of the marker inventory.
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Resolution is union (77, 93): "the person feature of a coordinate structure is resolved to be the UNION of the person features of the conjuncts".
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- DalrympleKaplan2000.resolve p q = p ∪ q
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English/Spanish/Slovak collapse the inclusive/exclusive distinction (§6.2): all
first person is {S, H} — preserving only attested syntactic distinctions at the
cost of the referential correlation (Aronoff's impersonal you, French on).
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The substrate bridge: Person.resolve is marker-set union #
The marker sets of the canonical quadripartition values — the Fula
encoding (87). Plain first underdetermines clusivity (their §6.2
English collapse picks {S, H} by stipulation), and zero is
outside the system, so both map to none.
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- DalrympleKaplan2000.markerSetOf Person.firstExclusive = some DalrympleKaplan2000.fula1exc
- DalrympleKaplan2000.markerSetOf Person.firstInclusive = some DalrympleKaplan2000.fula1inc
- DalrympleKaplan2000.markerSetOf Person.second = some DalrympleKaplan2000.fula2
- DalrympleKaplan2000.markerSetOf Person.third = some DalrympleKaplan2000.fula3
- DalrympleKaplan2000.markerSetOf x✝ = none
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The substrate's canonical resolution is the paper's union (77)/(93):
on the quadripartition, Person.resolve commutes with the marker
encoding — the same grounding Person.resolve_profile states
intrinsically, here in the paper's own vocabulary.
Two markers bound the system (§6.3): at most four person values are expressible, matching the maximally differentiated (Fula-type) inventory.
§6.5: union vs intersection — Sag et al. refuted, De Morgan vindicated #
Sag et al. 1985's marker sets (100): first = {}, second = {XSP},
third = {XSP, THP}, resolution by intersection. Reusing our two markers for
their two.
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The refutation (§6.5): with first person as ∅, intersection makes you and I
and Bill and I indistinguishable — "it is in principle impossible to distinguish
different kinds of coordination involving a first person pronoun", so Fula's
inclusive/exclusive contrast is underivable. Union keeps them apart.
The De Morgan duality (102)–(103): any union analysis transforms into an
equivalent intersection analysis over complement sets (markers reread as
absences). The paper's observation is mathlib's Finset.compl_union.
§7: gender resolution by the same mechanism #
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- DalrympleKaplan2000.instDecidableEqGMark x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- DalrympleKaplan2000.instReprGMark = { reprPrec := DalrympleKaplan2000.instReprGMark.repr }
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Icelandic (119): masc {M}, fem {F}, neut {M, F} — like genders preserved,
any mixture resolves neuter (118/120).
Slovene (122)/(126)–(127): masc {F, N}, fem {F}, neut {N}, and the
conjunction itself contributes F ∈ (↑ GENDER) — deriving the surprising
NEUT & NEUT = MASC (123)–(124).
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- DalrympleKaplan2000.slovResolve p q = p ∪ q ∪ {DalrympleKaplan2000.GMark.F}
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Bridge: marker sets project onto the binary person decomposition #
Features/Person.lean's two-boolean decomposition (hasAuthor, hasParticipant) is
the image of the marker-set representation: S ∈ p is authorship, membership of
either marker is participanthood. The map collapses exactly the inclusive/exclusive
distinction — Fula's {S} and {S, H} land on the same binary value — which is the
formal content of §6.2's "fewer pronominal distinctions".
Project a marker set onto the binary decomposition.
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- DalrympleKaplan2000.toBinary p = { hasParticipant := decide (DalrympleKaplan2000.Marker.S ∈ p ∨ DalrympleKaplan2000.Marker.H ∈ p), hasAuthor := decide (DalrympleKaplan2000.Marker.S ∈ p) }
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BundleLike with Finset slots: the generic substrate accommodates indeterminacy #
A multi-feature indeterminacy bundle is just a Pi type with Finset slots,
ordered superset-first (more determinate = smaller set). BundleLike's
slot type family S : F → Type* (parameter S carrying its own
order) covers this case without any new generic machinery: S t := (Finset (V t))ᵒᵈ. The BundleLike.Subsumes order then reads, per slot,
b₁ t ≤ b₂ t in the order dual — i.e. (b₂ t).1 ⊆ (b₁ t).1 — which is
exactly the §4 (eq. 25) information-as-set-of-possibilities convention.
This is the structural payoff: a feature-space tweak (Finset slots instead of Flat slots), not a re-development of the lattice theory.
An indeterminacy bundle: each slot holds a Finset of possible
atomic values, ordered superset-first via Finset's order dual.
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- DalrympleKaplan2000.IndetBundle F V = ((t : F) → (Finset (V t))ᵒᵈ)
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- DalrympleKaplan2000.IndetBundle.instBundleLikeOrderDualFinset = { val := fun (b : DalrympleKaplan2000.IndetBundle F V) => b }
Concrete witness: a 1-feature Case-indeterminacy bundle. We
exhibit two bundles — was {NOM, ACC} and wer {NOM} — and confirm
that wer subsumes (is more determinate than) was, via the
generic BundleLike.Subsumes.
A single-feature Case bundle.
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- DalrympleKaplan2000.CaseBundle = DalrympleKaplan2000.IndetBundle Unit fun (x : Unit) => Case
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- DalrympleKaplan2000.wasBundle x✝ = OrderDual.toDual DalrympleKaplan2000.was
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- DalrympleKaplan2000.werBundle x✝ = OrderDual.toDual DalrympleKaplan2000.wer
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wer {NOM} is more determinate than was {NOM, ACC}: their
subsumption in the generic BundleLike order matches set-superset on
the slot.