Documentation

Linglib.Studies.DalrympleKaplan2000

Dalrymple & Kaplan 2000: Feature Indeterminacy and Feature Resolution #

[DK00]

Set-valued syntactic features, against atomic-value-plus-equality. Two phenomena, one representational move (§4, eq. 25: "Sets encode indeterminate feature possibilities"):

The deliberate sharp line (§8): resolving features are never indeterminate — Hindi wah is masc-or-fem by wide-scope disjunction (ambiguity), not by a set value, which is why *wah arrived.MASC and arrived.FEM fails (128).

This is the flagship counterexample to treating the flat information order (Morphology/Unification.lean) as linguistically definitional: indeterminate agreement is an annotation-level phenomenon demanding non-flat (set-valued) slots. toIndet below certifies the relationship — the flat order embeds into the (superset-ordered) indeterminacy lattice as the determinate fragment, with none (no information) mapping to the universal set.

Formal highlights replicated as theorems: the German/Polish contrast set ((17)/(28) vs (32); (40) vs (41)), the §3 refutations, verb-side indeterminacy (Xhosa (56), Chicheŵa (59), German kaufen (62)), the resolution tables, the minimal-model derivation of José y tu (96–97), the Sag-et-al intersection refutation (§6.5, (100)–(101) vs Fula), and the De Morgan duality (102–103) — which is mathlib's Finset.compl_union. The person-marker sets also project onto the binary person decomposition of Features/Person.lean, with the inclusive/exclusive collapse made explicit.

§4: indeterminate values are sets; checking is membership #

@[reducible, inline]
abbrev DalrympleKaplan2000.IndetVal (α : Type u_1) :
Type u_1

An indeterminate feature value: the set of atomic values the form can realize (eq. 25). Singleton = determinate.

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    @[reducible, inline]
    abbrev DalrympleKaplan2000.requires {α : Type u_1} [DecidableEq α] (c : α) (v : IndetVal α) :

    Contextual requirement (eq. 27): the required atom is a member of the value set.

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      German relative pronouns (26): wer nominative, was syncretic, wem dative.

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        (17)/(28): Ich habe gegessen was übrig warwas satisfies the matrix verb's accusative requirement and the relative clause's nominative requirement at once.

        (32): *Wem du vertraust muss klug seinwem {DAT} satisfies vertraut but not the matrix NOM ∈ requirement.

        Polish (40)/(41): kogo {ACC, GEN} survives coordination of an ACC-taking and a GEN-taking verb; co {NOM, ACC} does not.

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          §3: why the rival accounts fail #

          An atomic-value account: one case value checked by equality against every requirement.

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            §3.2 (eq. 24): no single atomic value satisfies both verbs of (17) — transitivity of equality would force NOM = ACC.

            §3.1 (18)–(21): disjunctive specification means choosing one disjunct per utterance — and every choice from {NOM, ACC} fails one of the two requirements. The set-based account (was_satisfies_both) succeeds where every disjunctive resolution fails: that contrast is the paper's argument.

            §4.4: indeterminate requirements (verb-side sets) #

            theorem DalrympleKaplan2000.xhosa_zibomvu :
            7 {7, 9} 9 {7, 9}

            Xhosa (54)–(56): zibomvu requires its subject's noun class to be in {7/8, 9/10} (classes as their singular-class numbers), so class-7/8 izandla and class-9/10 neendlebe conjuncts each satisfy it.

            German (60)–(63): kaufen imposes (↑ SUBJ PERSON) ∈ {1, 3}; right-node raising over a 1-person and a 3-person subject satisfies the requirement in each conjunct.

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              The refinement certificate: the flat order is the determinate fragment #

              Morphology/Unification.lean's flat slot order embeds into the indeterminacy lattice: a determinate commitment some x is the singleton {x}, and no information is the universal set (any realization possible). Information increases as sets shrink, so the embedding is order-reversing into — i.e. an embedding into the superset order. Set-valued slots are a refinement of the flat layer, not a rival to it.

              A flat slot as an indeterminate value: none = no commitment = anything goes.

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                The embedding certificate: flat subsumption is superset inclusion of realization sets. More committed = smaller set; none sits below everything because univ contains everything.

                §§5–6: feature resolution — person as marker sets, resolution as union #

                The person markers (§6): S speaker, H hearer. §6.3 argues no third marker is attested (Sierra Popoluca's "limited inclusive" is an inclusive dual, per Noyer).

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                    Fula's four-way system (87): full use of the marker inventory.

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                      Resolution is union (77, 93): "the person feature of a coordinate structure is resolved to be the UNION of the person features of the conjuncts".

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                        English/Spanish/Slovak collapse the inclusive/exclusive distinction (§6.2): all first person is {S, H} — preserving only attested syntactic distinctions at the cost of the referential correlation (Aronoff's impersonal you, French on).

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                          The collapsed-system resolution table (91)/(92).

                          José y tu habláis (95)–(99): the resolved person of 3 ∪ 2 is {H} — the minimal model — so the 2PL verb's constraining equation =c {H} succeeds and the 1PL verb's =c {S,H} fails.

                          The substrate bridge: Person.resolve is marker-set union #

                          The marker sets of the canonical quadripartition values — the Fula encoding (87). Plain first underdetermines clusivity (their §6.2 English collapse picks {S, H} by stipulation), and zero is outside the system, so both map to none.

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                            theorem DalrympleKaplan2000.person_resolve_is_union (p q : Person) (sp sq : PersonSet) :
                            markerSetOf p = some spmarkerSetOf q = some sqmarkerSetOf (p.resolve q) = some (resolve sp sq)

                            The substrate's canonical resolution is the paper's union (77)/(93): on the quadripartition, Person.resolve commutes with the marker encoding — the same grounding Person.resolve_profile states intrinsically, here in the paper's own vocabulary.

                            Two markers bound the system (§6.3): at most four person values are expressible, matching the maximally differentiated (Fula-type) inventory.

                            §6.5: union vs intersection — Sag et al. refuted, De Morgan vindicated #

                            Sag et al. 1985's marker sets (100): first = {}, second = {XSP}, third = {XSP, THP}, resolution by intersection. Reusing our two markers for their two.

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                              The refutation (§6.5): with first person as , intersection makes you and I and Bill and I indistinguishable — "it is in principle impossible to distinguish different kinds of coordination involving a first person pronoun", so Fula's inclusive/exclusive contrast is underivable. Union keeps them apart.

                              The De Morgan duality (102)–(103): any union analysis transforms into an equivalent intersection analysis over complement sets (markers reread as absences). The paper's observation is mathlib's Finset.compl_union.

                              §7: gender resolution by the same mechanism #

                              Gender markers; per-language assignments below reuse one inventory.

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                                @[implicit_reducible]
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                                def DalrympleKaplan2000.instReprGMark.repr :
                                GMarkStd.Format
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                                    theorem DalrympleKaplan2000.hindi_table :
                                    {GMark.M} {GMark.M} = {GMark.M} {GMark.M} = {GMark.M} =

                                    Hindi (111): two genders, masculine {M}, feminine {} — mixed coordination resolves masculine (112).

                                    Icelandic (119): masc {M}, fem {F}, neut {M, F} — like genders preserved, any mixture resolves neuter (118/120).

                                    Slovene (122)/(126)–(127): masc {F, N}, fem {F}, neut {N}, and the conjunction itself contributes F ∈ (↑ GENDER) — deriving the surprising NEUT & NEUT = MASC (123)–(124).

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                                      Bridge: marker sets project onto the binary person decomposition #

                                      Features/Person.lean's two-boolean decomposition (hasAuthor, hasParticipant) is the image of the marker-set representation: S ∈ p is authorship, membership of either marker is participanthood. The map collapses exactly the inclusive/exclusive distinction — Fula's {S} and {S, H} land on the same binary value — which is the formal content of §6.2's "fewer pronominal distinctions".

                                      Project a marker set onto the binary decomposition.

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                                        The inclusive/exclusive collapse, explicitly: the binary decomposition cannot separate Fula's two first persons.

                                        BundleLike with Finset slots: the generic substrate accommodates indeterminacy #

                                        A multi-feature indeterminacy bundle is just a Pi type with Finset slots, ordered superset-first (more determinate = smaller set). BundleLike's slot type family S : F → Type* (parameter S carrying its own order) covers this case without any new generic machinery: S t := (Finset (V t))ᵒᵈ. The BundleLike.Subsumes order then reads, per slot, b₁ t ≤ b₂ t in the order dual — i.e. (b₂ t).1 ⊆ (b₁ t).1 — which is exactly the §4 (eq. 25) information-as-set-of-possibilities convention.

                                        This is the structural payoff: a feature-space tweak (Finset slots instead of Flat slots), not a re-development of the lattice theory.

                                        @[reducible, inline]
                                        abbrev DalrympleKaplan2000.IndetBundle (F : Type u_1) (V : FType u_2) :
                                        Type (max u_1 u_2)

                                        An indeterminacy bundle: each slot holds a Finset of possible atomic values, ordered superset-first via Finset's order dual.

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                                          instance DalrympleKaplan2000.IndetBundle.instBundleLikeOrderDualFinset {F : Type u_1} {V : FType u_2} :
                                          BundleLike (IndetBundle F V) F fun (t : F) => (Finset (V t))ᵒᵈ
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                                          Concrete witness: a 1-feature Case-indeterminacy bundle. We exhibit two bundles — was {NOM, ACC} and wer {NOM} — and confirm that wer subsumes (is more determinate than) was, via the generic BundleLike.Subsumes.

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                                          A single-feature Case bundle.

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                                            wer {NOM} is more determinate than was {NOM, ACC}: their subsumption in the generic BundleLike order matches set-superset on the slot.