Documentation

Linglib.Studies.Condoravdi2002

[Con02]: Temporal Interpretation of Modals #

Condoravdi, C. (2002). Temporal Interpretation of Modals: Modals for the Present and for the Past. In D. Beaver, S. Kaufmann, B. Clark, & L. Casillas (Eds.), The Construction of Meaning. CSLI Publications.

Core claims #

  1. Uniform modal semantics: modals for the present and modals for the past share a single meaning. No implicit tense under the modal.
  2. Decompositional analysis: "might have" parses as MAY(PERF(φ)), not as a single lexical item MIGHT-HAVE.
  3. Temporal expansion: modals expand evaluation to a forward interval rather than shifting it. Forward orientation follows from this for eventive predicates; present-or-future for stative predicates.
  4. Scope–modality correlation: MODAL > PERF yields the epistemic reading; PERF > MODAL yields the counterfactual (metaphysical) reading. This follows from the diversity condition: metaphysical modal bases require non-settledness, which the past cannot provide.

Architecture #

The AT relation #

[Con02]'s temporal-instantiation relation AT(t, w, P), dispatching on eventuality sort (after [KR83], [Par84]): events require temporal inclusion τ(e) ⊆ t, states temporal overlap τ(e) ∘ t. The eventive case is definitionally Klein's perfective viewpoint (Aspect.PRFV) and is reused rather than re-stipulated; the forward-expansion variants are Condoravdi's modal apparatus (evaluation expanded to the half-open [t, _)), consumed by the modal operators below.

def Condoravdi2002.atEvent {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : WEvent TimeProp) :

Eventive AT, AT(t, w, P) for eventive P: an event of P whose runtime is included in t. Definitionally Klein's perfective Aspect.PRFV; Condoravdi writes the conjuncts predicate-first, PRFV relation-first.

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    def Condoravdi2002.atState {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : WEvent TimeProp) :

    Stative AT, AT(t, w, P) for stative P: an event of P whose runtime merely overlaps t. Weaker than Aspect.IMPF (proper inclusion), so it has no Aspect counterpart and stays a local definition.

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      def Condoravdi2002.at' {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (sort : Features.Dynamicity) (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (t : NonemptyInterval Time) :

      The AT relation, dispatching on eventuality sort. The paper's third case (properties of times) is vacuous here: the event predicate is eventuality-valued.

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        theorem Condoravdi2002.atState_of_atEvent {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (t : NonemptyInterval Time) (h : atEvent P w t) :
        atState P w t

        Eventive instantiation is stronger than stative: an event included in the interval certainly overlaps it.

        theorem Condoravdi2002.atEvent_mono {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] {t₁ t₂ : NonemptyInterval Time} (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (hSub : t₁ t₂) (h : atEvent P w t₁) :
        atEvent P w t₂

        atEvent is monotone in the reference interval.

        theorem Condoravdi2002.atState_mono {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] {t₁ t₂ : NonemptyInterval Time} (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (hSub : t₁ t₂) (h : atState P w t₁) :
        atState P w t₂

        atState is monotone in the reference interval: overlap with a subinterval entails overlap with the containing interval.

        Forward expansion #

        [Con02]: modals expand the evaluation time forward to [t, _) rather than shifting it. Since NonemptyInterval requires finite bounds, the constraints are expressed directly: for events the runtime starts at or after t; for states it persists at or past t.

        def Condoravdi2002.atEventForward {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (t : Time) :

        Event instantiated in the future of tAT([t, _), w, P) for eventive P: the event starts at or after t.

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          def Condoravdi2002.atStateForward {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (t : Time) :

          State instantiated through tAT([t, _), w, P) for stative P: the state persists at or past t.

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            def Condoravdi2002.atForward {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (sort : Features.Dynamicity) (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (t : Time) :

            Forward AT, dispatching on eventuality sort.

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              theorem Condoravdi2002.atStateForward_of_atEventForward {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (t : Time) (h : atEventForward P w t) :

              Forward stative is weaker than forward eventive: if the event starts at or after t, its finish is also at or after t.

              theorem Condoravdi2002.atEventForward_of_atEvent_point {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (t : Time) (h : atEvent P w (NonemptyInterval.pure t)) :

              atEvent at a point [t, t] implies atEventForward at t.

              theorem Condoravdi2002.atStateForward_of_atState_point {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (t : Time) (h : atState P w (NonemptyInterval.pure t)) :

              atState at a point [t, t] implies atStateForward at t.

              Operators #

              def Condoravdi2002.pres {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (sort : Features.Dynamicity) (P : WEvent TimeProp) (t : Time) (w : W) :

              Present tense: instantiates a property at the utterance time. The temporal anchor is a single point.

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                def Condoravdi2002.perf {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (sort : Features.Dynamicity) (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (t : Time) :

                Perfect: shifts evaluation to a prior time. There is some t' < t at which the property holds.

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                  The temporal evaluator is factored out: mayCore/wollCore quantify over the modal base and check the prejacent at the perspective point, while may/woll apply forward temporal expansion. Condoravdi's English might/would use the prospective versions — futurity is lexicalized in the modal. The point-evaluation cores are the hook for modals whose futurity is not lexicalized but supplied by a separate prospective operator; may_of_mayCore_dynamic relates the two.

                  def Condoravdi2002.mayCore {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (MB : WTimeSet W) (sort : Features.Dynamicity) (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (t : Time) :

                  Modal possibility core: ∃ w' ∈ MB(w,t), the prejacent holds at the point t in w'. No forward expansion.

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                    def Condoravdi2002.may {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (MB : WTimeSet W) (sort : Features.Dynamicity) (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (t : Time) :

                    MAY/MIGHT: existential quantification over the modal base, with forward temporal expansion. The English modal lexicalizes the prospective choice ([Con02]).

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                      def Condoravdi2002.wollCore {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (MB : WTimeSet W) (sort : Features.Dynamicity) (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (t : Time) :

                      Modal necessity core: ∀ w' ∈ MB(w,t), the prejacent holds at the point t in w'. No forward expansion.

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                        def Condoravdi2002.woll {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (MB : WTimeSet W) (sort : Features.Dynamicity) (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (t : Time) :

                        WOLL: universal quantification over the modal base, with forward temporal expansion. The untensed modal underlying will / would.

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                          theorem Condoravdi2002.may_of_mayCore_dynamic {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (MB : WTimeSet W) (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (t : Time) (h : mayCore MB Features.Dynamicity.dynamic P w t) :

                          For dynamic predicates, mayCore implies may: forward expansion is a weakening when the prejacent is checked at a point. The pointwise instantiation gives an event whose start lies at or after t, which is exactly what atEventForward requires.

                          theorem Condoravdi2002.may_of_mayCore_stative {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (MB : WTimeSet W) (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (t : Time) (h : mayCore MB Features.Dynamicity.stative P w t) :

                          For stative predicates, mayCore implies may: pointwise state overlap entails forward state persistence at the point.

                          Composed scope readings #

                          The two scope orderings of MAY and PERF that derive epistemic vs. counterfactual modality. The trivial single-operator examples ("He might run", "He might be here") are inlined as docstrings on may rather than given separate names.

                          def Condoravdi2002.mayEpistemic {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (MB : WTimeSet W) (P : WEvent TimeProp) (t : Time) (w : W) :

                          "He may have won" — epistemic reading. The modal scopes over the perfect (PRES > MAY > PERF). Modal base evaluated at t; the perfect back-shifts inside the modal's scope.

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                            def Condoravdi2002.mightCounterfactual {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (MB : WTimeSet W) (P : WEvent TimeProp) (t : Time) (w : W) :

                            "He might have won" — counterfactual reading. The perfect scopes over the modal (PRES > PERF > MAY). The perfect shifts the modal base's evaluation point to a past t'; the modal then quantifies over worlds compatible with the past, with the property in [t', _).

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                              Reading classification #

                              Readings are classified along the canonical modal-temporal axes (Semantics/Modality/TemporalAxes.lean): TemporalPerspective (present/past evaluation of the modal base) and TemporalOrientation (direction from the perspective to the prejacent). Condoravdi's typology uses only the future and past orientations; the present-orientation cell of TemporalOrientation goes unused.

                              The three attested readings of an English modal-perfect string. The fourth combination (past perspective + past orientation) is unattested and excluded by construction.

                              • present : ModalReading

                                "He might win." Future-oriented from a present perspective.

                              • epistemic : ModalReading

                                "He may have already won." Past-oriented from a present perspective (PRES > MAY > PERF).

                              • counterfactual : ModalReading

                                "He might still have won." Future-oriented from a past perspective (PRES > PERF > MAY).

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                                  Bridge to Klein's viewpoint operators #

                                  theorem Condoravdi2002.perf_eventive_implies_perfSimple {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (t : Time) (h : perf Features.Dynamicity.dynamic P w t) :
                                  Semantics.Aspect.perfSimple P { world := w, time := t }

                                  Condoravdi's eventive perf entails Klein's perfSimple: a prior point of instantiation gives a degenerate PTS [t', t'] right-bounded at t.

                                  theorem Condoravdi2002.atState_of_impf {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : WEvent TimeProp) (w : W) (t : NonemptyInterval Time) (h : Semantics.Aspect.IMPF P w t) :
                                  atState P w t

                                  [Kle94]'s imperfective entails Condoravdi's stative AT: proper inclusion of the reference interval in the event runtime implies overlap.

                                  Scope–modality correlation #

                                  The relative scope of MODAL and PERF correlates with the kind of modality expressed:

                                  theorem Condoravdi2002.modal_over_perf_blocks_metaphysical {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (history : HistoricalAlternatives W Time) (MB : WTimeSet W) (cg : Set W) (now : Time) (P : WEvent TimeProp) (hMB : wcg, w'MB w now, history.histEquiv now w w') (hSettled : history.settled cg now fun (w : W) => perf Features.Dynamicity.dynamic P w now) :

                                  When MAY scopes over PERF, the property under the modal is back- shifted past. If this property is settled in the common ground (as past properties are), then a metaphysical modal base cannot satisfy diversity — restricting MODAL > PERF to epistemic modality.

                                  theorem Condoravdi2002.counterfactual_widens_domain {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (history : HistoricalAlternatives W Time) (hBC : history.backwardsClosed) (w : W) {t' now : Time} (hle : t' now) :
                                  history.metaphysicalBase w now history.metaphysicalBase w t'

                                  When PERF scopes over MAY (counterfactual reading), the metaphysical base at the past perspective t' ≤ now is a superset of the one at now: backwards-closure of historical equivalence makes the past base wider. This is the structural source of the counterfactual reading's "could have been otherwise" force.

                                  Adverb compatibility #

                                  Frame adverbials are intersective predicate modifiers: they restrict temporal reference to a period relative to the reference time. A frame adverb is compatible with a modal reading exactly when its selected period intersects the temporal region the modal projects. The eight (in)compat theorems below follow from lt_irrefl/lt_of_lt_of_le/ le_refl rather than a lookup table.

                                  def Condoravdi2002.yesterday {Time : Type u_1} [LinearOrder Time] (now : Time) :
                                  Set Time

                                  "Yesterday": strictly before the reference time.

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                                    def Condoravdi2002.nowAdv {Time : Type u_1} (now : Time) :
                                    Set Time

                                    "Now": the reference time itself.

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                                      def Condoravdi2002.tomorrow {Time : Type u_1} [LinearOrder Time] (now : Time) :
                                      Set Time

                                      "Tomorrow": strictly after the reference time.

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                                        def Condoravdi2002.projectedRegion {Time : Type u_1} [LinearOrder Time] (orient : Semantics.Modality.TemporalOrientation) (now : Time) :
                                        Set Time

                                        The temporal region in which a modal evaluates its scope, read off the AT relation:

                                        • Future orientation: atForward requires the property's temporal anchor to lie at or after the reference time. Projected region: [now, ∞).
                                        • Present orientation: coincident with the reference time (unused by Condoravdi's typology). Region: {now}.
                                        • Past orientation: perf requires a strictly earlier instantiation time. Projected region: (-∞, now).

                                        Note: the eventive/stative distinction is not recorded here. The AT relation permits now = e.fst for atEventForward, so the table-style "now is incompatible with eventive future" prediction of the original paper is a pragmatic event-duration fact that compatible does not formally exclude.

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                                          def Condoravdi2002.compatible {Time : Type u_1} [LinearOrder Time] (period : TimeSet Time) (reading : ModalReading) (now : Time) :

                                          Compatibility: the adverb's selected period overlaps the modal's projected region.

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                                            theorem Condoravdi2002.tomorrow_present_compat {Time : Type u_1} [LinearOrder Time] [NoMaxOrder Time] (now : Time) :

                                            "He may get sick tomorrow." Future-oriented modal accepts a future adverb (witnessed via NoMaxOrder).

                                            theorem Condoravdi2002.yesterday_present_incompat {Time : Type u_1} [LinearOrder Time] (now : Time) :

                                            "*He may get sick yesterday." Future-oriented modal rejects a past adverb: any witness would satisfy t < now ∧ now ≤ t, contradicting lt_irrefl.

                                            theorem Condoravdi2002.now_present_compat {Time : Type u_1} [LinearOrder Time] (now : Time) :

                                            "He may be sick now." The reference time witnesses overlap of {now} with [now, ∞) via le_refl. The eventive variant ("??He may get sick now") is marginal in the paper for pragmatic event-duration reasons; see the projectedRegion docstring.

                                            theorem Condoravdi2002.yesterday_epistemic_compat {Time : Type u_1} [LinearOrder Time] [NoMinOrder Time] (now : Time) :

                                            "He may have gotten sick yesterday." Past-oriented modal accepts a past adverb (witnessed via NoMinOrder).

                                            theorem Condoravdi2002.tomorrow_epistemic_incompat {Time : Type u_1} [LinearOrder Time] (now : Time) :

                                            "*He may have gotten sick tomorrow." Past-oriented modal rejects a future adverb: now < t ∧ t < now contradicts lt_irrefl via lt_trans.

                                            Fragment binding #

                                            Might and perfect have are distinct aux heads in the English Fragment. The decomposition "might have" = MAY(PERF(...)) and the scope permutation deriving the epistemic vs counterfactual reading both require the Fragment to classify them under different auxTypes — if they ever fused (e.g., a single might-have modal entry), the analysis would not apply at the surface-form level.

                                            Other studies binding these Fragment entries are discoverable by greping English.Auxiliaries.<entry> across Studies/.