[Con02]: Temporal Interpretation of Modals #
Condoravdi, C. (2002). Temporal Interpretation of Modals: Modals for the Present and for the Past. In D. Beaver, S. Kaufmann, B. Clark, & L. Casillas (Eds.), The Construction of Meaning. CSLI Publications.
Core claims #
- Uniform modal semantics: modals for the present and modals for the past share a single meaning. No implicit tense under the modal.
- Decompositional analysis: "might have" parses as MAY(PERF(φ)), not as a single lexical item MIGHT-HAVE.
- Temporal expansion: modals expand evaluation to a forward interval rather than shifting it. Forward orientation follows from this for eventive predicates; present-or-future for stative predicates.
- Scope–modality correlation: MODAL > PERF yields the epistemic reading; PERF > MODAL yields the counterfactual (metaphysical) reading. This follows from the diversity condition: metaphysical modal bases require non-settledness, which the past cannot provide.
Architecture #
- The AT relation (
at'/atForward) and its forward-expansion variants are defined in the AT relation section below; the eventive case reuses Klein's perfective viewpoint (Aspect.PRFV). - Branching-time, settledness, and diversity live in
Semantics/Modality/HistoricalAlternatives.lean. - This file composes them into Condoravdi's specific operators and derives the paper's predictions.
- The
mayCore/maysplit (point-evaluation vs forward-expansion; see Modal cores vs. prospective modals) is the hook downstream studies consume to model modals whose prospectivity is not lexicalized — the locus of this account's cross-linguistic contrasts.
The AT relation #
[Con02]'s temporal-instantiation relation AT(t, w, P),
dispatching on eventuality sort (after [KR83],
[Par84]): events require temporal inclusion τ(e) ⊆ t, states
temporal overlap τ(e) ∘ t. The eventive case is definitionally Klein's
perfective viewpoint (Aspect.PRFV) and is reused rather than re-stipulated;
the forward-expansion variants are Condoravdi's modal apparatus (evaluation
expanded to the half-open [t, _)), consumed by the modal operators below.
Eventive AT, AT(t, w, P) for eventive P: an event of P whose runtime
is included in t. Definitionally Klein's perfective Aspect.PRFV;
Condoravdi writes the conjuncts predicate-first, PRFV relation-first.
Equations
Instances For
Stative AT, AT(t, w, P) for stative P: an event of P whose runtime
merely overlaps t. Weaker than Aspect.IMPF (proper inclusion), so it
has no Aspect counterpart and stays a local definition.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.atState P w t = ∃ (e : Event Time), e.τ.overlaps t ∧ P w e
Instances For
The AT relation, dispatching on eventuality sort. The paper's third case (properties of times) is vacuous here: the event predicate is eventuality-valued.
Equations
Instances For
atState is monotone in the reference interval: overlap with a subinterval
entails overlap with the containing interval.
Forward expansion #
[Con02]: modals expand the evaluation time forward to [t, _)
rather than shifting it. Since NonemptyInterval requires finite bounds, the
constraints are expressed directly: for events the runtime starts at or after
t; for states it persists at or past t.
Event instantiated in the future of t — AT([t, _), w, P) for eventive
P: the event starts at or after t.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.atEventForward P w t = ∃ (e : Event Time), t ≤ e.τ.toProd.1 ∧ P w e
Instances For
State instantiated through t — AT([t, _), w, P) for stative P: the
state persists at or past t.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.atStateForward P w t = ∃ (e : Event Time), t ≤ e.τ.toProd.2 ∧ P w e
Instances For
Forward AT, dispatching on eventuality sort.
Equations
Instances For
Forward stative is weaker than forward eventive: if the event starts at or
after t, its finish is also at or after t.
atEvent at a point [t, t] implies atEventForward at t.
atState at a point [t, t] implies atStateForward at t.
Operators #
Present tense: instantiates a property at the utterance time. The temporal anchor is a single point.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.pres sort P t w = Condoravdi2002.at' sort P w (NonemptyInterval.pure t)
Instances For
Perfect: shifts evaluation to a prior time. There is some t' < t at
which the property holds.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.perf sort P w t = ∃ t' < t, Condoravdi2002.at' sort P w (NonemptyInterval.pure t')
Instances For
Modal cores vs. prospective modals #
The temporal evaluator is factored out: mayCore/wollCore quantify
over the modal base and check the prejacent at the perspective point,
while may/woll apply forward temporal expansion. Condoravdi's
English might/would use the prospective versions — futurity is
lexicalized in the modal. The point-evaluation cores are the hook for
modals whose futurity is not lexicalized but supplied by a separate
prospective operator; may_of_mayCore_dynamic relates the two.
Modal possibility core: ∃ w' ∈ MB(w,t), the prejacent holds at
the point t in w'. No forward expansion.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.mayCore MB sort P w t = ∃ w' ∈ MB w t, Condoravdi2002.at' sort P w' (NonemptyInterval.pure t)
Instances For
MAY/MIGHT: existential quantification over the modal base, with forward temporal expansion. The English modal lexicalizes the prospective choice ([Con02]).
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.may MB sort P w t = ∃ w' ∈ MB w t, Condoravdi2002.atForward sort P w' t
Instances For
Modal necessity core: ∀ w' ∈ MB(w,t), the prejacent holds at
the point t in w'. No forward expansion.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.wollCore MB sort P w t = ∀ w' ∈ MB w t, Condoravdi2002.at' sort P w' (NonemptyInterval.pure t)
Instances For
WOLL: universal quantification over the modal base, with forward temporal expansion. The untensed modal underlying will / would.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.woll MB sort P w t = ∀ w' ∈ MB w t, Condoravdi2002.atForward sort P w' t
Instances For
For dynamic predicates, mayCore implies may: forward expansion
is a weakening when the prejacent is checked at a point. The
pointwise instantiation gives an event whose start lies at or
after t, which is exactly what atEventForward requires.
For stative predicates, mayCore implies may: pointwise state
overlap entails forward state persistence at the point.
Composed scope readings #
The two scope orderings of MAY and PERF that derive epistemic vs.
counterfactual modality. The trivial single-operator examples
("He might run", "He might be here") are inlined as docstrings on
may rather than given separate names.
"He may have won" — epistemic reading. The modal scopes over the
perfect (PRES > MAY > PERF). Modal base evaluated at t; the
perfect back-shifts inside the modal's scope.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.mayEpistemic MB P t w = ∃ w' ∈ MB w t, Condoravdi2002.perf Features.Dynamicity.dynamic P w' t
Instances For
"He might have won" — counterfactual reading. The perfect scopes
over the modal (PRES > PERF > MAY). The perfect shifts the modal
base's evaluation point to a past t'; the modal then quantifies
over worlds compatible with the past, with the property in
[t', _).
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.mightCounterfactual MB P t w = ∃ t' < t, Condoravdi2002.may MB Features.Dynamicity.dynamic P w t'
Instances For
Reading classification #
Readings are classified along the canonical modal-temporal axes
(Semantics/Modality/TemporalAxes.lean): TemporalPerspective
(present/past evaluation of the modal base) and TemporalOrientation
(direction from the perspective to the prejacent). Condoravdi's typology
uses only the future and past orientations; the present-orientation
cell of TemporalOrientation goes unused.
The three attested readings of an English modal-perfect string. The fourth combination (past perspective + past orientation) is unattested and excluded by construction.
- present : ModalReading
"He might win." Future-oriented from a present perspective.
- epistemic : ModalReading
"He may have already won." Past-oriented from a present perspective (PRES > MAY > PERF).
- counterfactual : ModalReading
"He might still have won." Future-oriented from a past perspective (PRES > PERF > MAY).
Instances For
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.instDecidableEqModalReading x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.instReprModalReading = { reprPrec := Condoravdi2002.instReprModalReading.repr }
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Modal-base evaluation time of a reading.
Equations
Instances For
Direction of temporal reference of a reading.
Equations
Instances For
Bridge to Klein's viewpoint operators #
Condoravdi's eventive perf entails Klein's perfSimple: a prior
point of instantiation gives a degenerate PTS [t', t']
right-bounded at t.
[Kle94]'s imperfective entails Condoravdi's stative AT: proper inclusion of the reference interval in the event runtime implies overlap.
Scope–modality correlation #
The relative scope of MODAL and PERF correlates with the kind of modality expressed:
- MODAL > PERF (epistemic): the modal's perspective is present; the property under it is back-shifted past. Past properties are settled, so the diversity condition blocks a metaphysical base — only epistemic modality remains available.
- PERF > MODAL (counterfactual): the modal's perspective is a past time; the property is in that past's future. Future properties are not settled, so a metaphysical base is available.
When MAY scopes over PERF, the property under the modal is back- shifted past. If this property is settled in the common ground (as past properties are), then a metaphysical modal base cannot satisfy diversity — restricting MODAL > PERF to epistemic modality.
When PERF scopes over MAY (counterfactual reading), the metaphysical
base at the past perspective t' ≤ now is a superset of the one at
now: backwards-closure of historical equivalence makes the past
base wider. This is the structural source of the counterfactual
reading's "could have been otherwise" force.
Adverb compatibility #
Frame adverbials are intersective predicate modifiers: they restrict
temporal reference to a period relative to the reference time. A frame
adverb is compatible with a modal reading exactly when its selected
period intersects the temporal region the modal projects. The eight
(in)compat theorems below follow from lt_irrefl/lt_of_lt_of_le/
le_refl rather than a lookup table.
"Yesterday": strictly before the reference time.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.yesterday now = {t : Time | t < now}
Instances For
"Tomorrow": strictly after the reference time.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.tomorrow now = {t : Time | now < t}
Instances For
The temporal region in which a modal evaluates its scope, read off the AT relation:
- Future orientation:
atForwardrequires the property's temporal anchor to lie at or after the reference time. Projected region:[now, ∞). - Present orientation: coincident with the reference time
(unused by Condoravdi's typology). Region:
{now}. - Past orientation:
perfrequires a strictly earlier instantiation time. Projected region:(-∞, now).
Note: the eventive/stative distinction is not recorded here. The
AT relation permits now = e.fst for atEventForward, so the
table-style "now is incompatible with eventive future" prediction
of the original paper is a pragmatic event-duration fact that
compatible does not formally exclude.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.projectedRegion Semantics.Modality.TemporalOrientation.future now = {t : Time | now ≤ t}
- Condoravdi2002.projectedRegion Semantics.Modality.TemporalOrientation.present now = {now}
- Condoravdi2002.projectedRegion Semantics.Modality.TemporalOrientation.past now = {t : Time | t < now}
Instances For
Compatibility: the adverb's selected period overlaps the modal's projected region.
Equations
- Condoravdi2002.compatible period reading now = ∃ t ∈ period now, t ∈ Condoravdi2002.projectedRegion reading.orientation now
Instances For
"He may get sick tomorrow." Future-oriented modal accepts a future
adverb (witnessed via NoMaxOrder).
"*He may get sick yesterday." Future-oriented modal rejects a past
adverb: any witness would satisfy t < now ∧ now ≤ t,
contradicting lt_irrefl.
"He may be sick now." The reference time witnesses overlap of {now}
with [now, ∞) via le_refl. The eventive variant ("??He may get
sick now") is marginal in the paper for pragmatic event-duration
reasons; see the projectedRegion docstring.
"He may have gotten sick yesterday." Past-oriented modal accepts a
past adverb (witnessed via NoMinOrder).
"*He may have gotten sick tomorrow." Past-oriented modal rejects a
future adverb: now < t ∧ t < now contradicts lt_irrefl via
lt_trans.
Fragment binding #
Might and perfect have are distinct aux heads in the English
Fragment. The decomposition "might have" = MAY(PERF(...)) and the
scope permutation deriving the epistemic vs counterfactual reading
both require the Fragment to classify them under different
auxTypes — if they ever fused (e.g., a single might-have modal
entry), the analysis would not apply at the surface-form level.
Other studies binding these Fragment entries are discoverable by
greping English.Auxiliaries.<entry> across Studies/.