Against wide scope free choice ([CG26]) #
The free-choice reading of "you may A or you may B" does not arise from the
wide-scope LF ◇A ∨ ◇B, but from the narrow-scope LF ◇(A ∨ B). For
disjunction the two LFs are truth-conditionally equivalent
(scope_equivalence), so the scope distinction is invisible to truth
conditions; it matters only compositionally, because only ◇(A ∨ B) feeds the
exhaustification that derives ◇A ∧ ◇B. The wide-scope LF instead yields an
ignorance reading and does not, on its own, entail free choice
(wideScope_underdetermines_fc). (For conjunction the two LFs are not
equivalent; see §8.)
The narrow-scope LF is derived by modal concord [Zei07]: modal
auxiliaries carry uninterpretable features [u∃/∀-MOD]; a single silent
interpretable operator c-commanding the coordination checks both, so only it is
interpreted, yielding Δ(A ∘ B) rather than ΔA ∘ ΔB.
MOD A COORD MOD B is scope-ambiguous across the board:
| surface form | wide-scope LF | narrow-scope LF |
|---|---|---|
| may A or may B | ◇A ∨ ◇B | ◇(A ∨ B) |
| must A or must B | □A ∨ □B | □(A ∨ B) |
| may A and may B | ◇A ∧ ◇B | ◇(A ∧ B) |
The modal operators diamond/box are Core.Logic.Modal.poss/nec (the flat
S5 modals shared with the whole free-choice stack), so the scope theorems consume
the substrate's distribution lemmas directly.
Main declarations #
scope_equivalence— the two disjunction LFs are truth-conditionally equal.disjunctive_obligation_narrow_weaker/_not_wide— must-or-must: under necessity the narrow LF□(A ∪ B)is strictly weaker than the wide□A ∨ □B.ConcordDerivation— two[u-MOD]auxiliaries checked by one silent operator.narrowScope_yields_fc/wideScope_underdetermines_fc— free choice from the narrow LF; non-entailment of free choice from the wide LF.reductionist_thesis— the two packaged together.negation_concord_pattern— cross-negation concord succeeds iff forces are duals.
Truth-conditional equivalence #
For disjunction the two LFs collapse: ◇(A ∨ B) ↔ ◇A ∨ ◇B in standard modal
logic. This is the point of [CG26] — the scope distinction
is invisible to truth conditions, and matters only for compositional derivation
and pragmatic enrichment. (For conjunction the LFs are not equivalent; see §8.)
The two disjunction LFs are truth-conditionally equivalent: ◇(A ∨ B) ↔ ◇A ∨ ◇B.
A thin alias for Exhaustification.FreeChoice.diamond_distributes_iff, recording its
role as the central observation of [CG26].
Must-or-must: disjunctive obligation (§2) #
Under necessity, the scope distinction is not truth-conditionally vacuous.
diamond/box here are Core.Logic.Modal.poss/nec, so these theorems consume
the substrate's flat distribution directly. For disjunction the narrow LF
□(A ∪ B) is strictly weaker than the wide LF □A ∨ □B — exactly C&G's
must-or-must contrast: "(either) you must A or you must B" on its salient reading
is a single disjunctive obligation □(A ∨ B), not two obligations.
Wide ⟹ narrow: □A ∨ □B → □(A ∪ B). The narrow disjunctive-obligation LF is
the weaker reading (monotonicity of Core.Logic.Modal.nec).
…but not conversely: □(A ∪ B) does not entail □A ∨ □B. A disjunctive
obligation leaves which disjunct is met open, so neither □A nor □B follows.
This is why must-or-must has a genuine narrow reading the wide LF lacks.
Scope-ambiguity data (§2) #
MOD A COORD MOD B sentences are scope-ambiguous. The illustrative sentences
record the modal force, which §10 cross-checks against the Fragment; narrow-scope
availability is witnessed structurally by the concord derivations of §3
(mayMayConcord, mustMustConcord), whose mere existence as well-typed terms is
the proof that the two auxiliaries can undergo concord.
An illustrative "MOD A COORD MOD B" sentence.
- sentence : String
- coord : String
The coordinator: "or" or "and".
- modalForce : Semantics.Modality.ModalForce
- dominantReading : String
The reading dominant in the discussed context.
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(2) "You may do A or you may do B" — free choice from the narrow-scope LF.
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(5) "You must write an essay or you must give a presentation."
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(7) "You may go to Bob's party and you may go to Charlie's party."
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Modal concord derivation (§3) #
[Zei07]'s feature system explains how the narrow-scope LF ◇(A ∨ B)
arises compositionally for "may A or may B":
- each "may" carries
[u∃-MOD](uninterpretable existential feature); - a silent
◇operator[i∃-MOD]is projected above the coordination; - the silent operator checks both
[u∃-MOD]features in the conjuncts; - only the silent operator is semantically interpreted, giving
◇(A ∨ B).
The modal feature carried by English "may" — derived from the Fragment entry's force and interpretability.
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The modal feature carried by English "must" — derived from the Fragment.
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"May" carries [u∃-MOD]: possibility force, uninterpretable.
"Must" carries [u∀-MOD]: necessity force, uninterpretable.
The silent operator that checks a given u-feature: same force, but interpretable. This is the operator [CG26] posit above the coordination.
Equations
- CiardelliGuerrini2026.silentChecker f = { force := f.force, interp := Semantics.Modality.ModalInterpretability.interpretable }
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Core derivation: the matching silent operator checks any u-feature. This is the general form of the concord mechanism — not just "may" or "must", but any auxiliary carrying a u-feature.
ConcordDerivation: packaging the full derivation chain #
A concord derivation witnesses that two modal features can be checked by a single silent operator. This is the formal content of [CG26]'s compositional mechanism.
A ConcordDerivation exists iff both features are uninterpretable (u-MOD) and
belong to the same concord class (both ∃-type or both ∀-type). The silent
operator, the checking proofs, and the resulting narrow-scope interpretation are
all derived from these two conditions.
The feature of the first modal auxiliary.
The feature of the second modal auxiliary.
- uInterp₁ : self.f₁.interp = Semantics.Modality.ModalInterpretability.uninterpretable
Both are uninterpretable.
- uInterp₂ : self.f₂.interp = Semantics.Modality.ModalInterpretability.uninterpretable
- sameClass : Semantics.Modality.ConcordType.fromModalForce self.f₁.force = Semantics.Modality.ConcordType.fromModalForce self.f₂.force
Same concord class.
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The silent interpretable operator — derived, not stipulated.
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The checker is interpretable (semantically active).
The checker checks the first feature.
The checker checks the second feature.
Construct a ConcordDerivation from two AuxEntrys. The derivation is built
entirely from Fragment data — no stipulation.
Equations
- CiardelliGuerrini2026.ConcordDerivation.fromAux a₁ a₂ _h₁ _h₂ hI₁ hI₂ hF = { f₁ := f₁, f₂ := f₂, uInterp₁ := hI₁, uInterp₂ := hI₂, sameClass := hF }
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Universal modal properties #
The modal auxiliaries that participate in concord: Fragment entries with uninterpretable features.
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Exactly 13 English modal auxiliaries carry u-features.
Modal auxiliaries with modal meaning (those that can form ConcordDerivations).
Excludes dare, which has u-features but no modal-meaning specification.
Equations
- CiardelliGuerrini2026.concordCapableModals = List.filter (fun (a : English.Auxiliaries.AuxEntry) => a.toModalFeature.isSome) CiardelliGuerrini2026.modalAuxiliaries
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12 of 13 modal auxiliaries have derivable modal features.
Every concord-capable modal's feature is uninterpretable.
Non-modal auxiliaries have no modal feature — they cannot participate in concord at all.
Instantiations #
"May A or may B" concord derivation — fully derived from the Fragment.
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"Must A or must B" concord derivation — fully derived from the Fragment.
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Cross-force checking fails: a silent □ cannot check "may" [u∃].
The FC pipeline: concord → narrow scope → free choice (§3) #
The pipeline has three stages:
- feature matching →
ConcordDerivation(above); - narrow scope → a single modal operator over the coordination;
- exhaustification → the free-choice inference.
The key point: the narrow/wide scope distinction is truth-conditionally vacuous
for disjunction (scope_equivalence) but pragmatically active. Only the
narrow-scope LF, exhaustified, yields free choice; the wide-scope LF
underdetermines it (and yields an ignorance reading instead).
The free-choice pipeline: the narrow-scope ◇(A ∨ B), doubly exhaustified,
yields free choice ◇A ∧ ◇B. This is the reductionist thesis in action — FC
arises from the narrow-scope LF (derived via concord) fed to the standard
exhaustification mechanism (free_choice_forward).
The wide-scope LF ◇A ∨ ◇B does not entail free choice ◇A ∧ ◇B: a
disjunction of possibilities holds even when only one disjunct is possible. This
is why [CG26] locate the free-choice reading exclusively in the
narrow-scope LF — the wide-scope LF yields the ignorance reading (the speaker is
unsure which disjunct holds), not free choice.
The reductionist thesis ([CG26], formalized).
Despite truth-conditional equivalence (scope_equivalence), the FC reading arises
only from the narrow-scope LF: (1) the two disjunction LFs are equivalent, and
(2) the narrow-scope LF, exhaustified, yields free choice. The wide-scope LF does
not (wideScope_underdetermines_fc), so there is no separate problem of
"wide-scope free choice".
Auxiliary vs non-auxiliary modals (§4.1) #
[MS17] observed that (19a-b) lack FC readings:
(19a) It's ok for John to sing or it's ok for John to dance. (*FC) (19b) John is allowed to sing or he is allowed to dance. (*FC)
[CG26] explain this: "it's ok" and "be allowed" carry
interpretable features, so they are already interpreted and cannot be checked
by a higher silent operator — no narrow-scope LF, no FC. Modal auxiliaries ("may",
"must", "can") carry uninterpretable features and can be checked → FC
available. The auxiliary status of "may", "must", "can", "need" is derived from
English.FunctionWords — they are all .modal entries.
Caveat: in §4.3 the authors flag (31) "it is possible that A or it is possible that B", a non-auxiliary modal that nevertheless seems to allow FC, as an outstanding problem. The prediction below is therefore about the concord mechanism (interpreted features cannot be checked), not an exceptionless surface generalization.
Fragment-derived: the English modals used by [CG26] are modal auxiliaries.
All these modals carry uninterpretable features in the Fragment.
The mechanism behind the auxiliary/non-auxiliary contrast: an interpreted
feature can never be checked. Non-auxiliary modal constructions ("it's ok that",
"be allowed/required to") carry interpretable features, so no silent operator can
check them — hence no narrow-scope LF and no FC in coordination. This is derived
from ModalFeature.checks (which requires the checked feature to be
uninterpretable), not stipulated.
Corollary: an interpreted feature cannot be the checked conjunct of a
ConcordDerivation — that would contradict uInterp₂.
Against ATB movement (§1, ex. 3) #
[Sim05] proposed that the narrow-scope LF ◇(A ∨ B) arises from
across-the-board (ATB) movement of the modal at LF. [CG26] note
evidence against this: ATB movement is independently blocked for nominal
quantifiers.
(3a) Everyone sang or everyone danced. (3b) Everyone sang or danced.
(3a) cannot be interpreted as (3b). If ATB movement of "everyone" were possible at LF, (3a) should receive the (3b) reading — but it does not. This undermines ATB as the mechanism for deriving narrow-scope modal LFs. The modal concord account avoids the problem: the narrow-scope LF is derived by feature checking (specific to modals), not movement (which would overgeneralize to quantifiers).
Formalizing the contrast faithfully needs a movement/quantifier substrate this study does not import, so the argument is recorded here as prose.
Concord across negation (§4.2) #
Modal concord across negation requires opposite forces. The checking uses
ModalForce.dual — negation over a modal operator yields its dual:
(24) ALLOWi∃ ✓ — dual(∀) = ∃, matches the checker (26) *DEMANDi∀ ✗ — dual(∀) = ∃ ≠ ∀ (25) DEMANDi∀ ✓ — dual(∃) = ∀, matches the checker (27) *ALLOWi∃ ✗ — dual(∃) = ∀ ≠ ∃
The pattern: checking across negation succeeds iff the checker's force equals the
dual of the checked item's force. This follows from
ModalFeature.checksAcrossNegation, which uses ModalForce.dual. The
generalization is from [Gro10] and [AB10].
(24) ALLOW[i∃] checks ¬NEED[u∀]: well-formed (dual(∀) = ∃).
(26) *DEMAND[i∀] checks ¬NEED[u∀]: ill-formed (dual(∀) = ∃ ≠ ∀).
(25) DEMAND[i∀] checks ¬MAY[u∃]: well-formed (dual(∃) = ∀).
(27) *ALLOW[i∃] checks ¬MAY[u∃]: ill-formed (dual(∃) = ∀ ≠ ∃).
General pattern: cross-negation concord succeeds iff the forces are duals.
This is the content of the negation-concord generalization from [Gro10] and
[AB10], formalized as a consequence of checksAcrossNegation
using ModalForce.dual.
"I need not cook and I need not clean" (§4.2, ex. 28-29) #
"I need not cook and I need not clean" can convey ◇(¬Cook ∧ ¬Clean) —
permission to do neither — but not □(¬Cook ∧ ¬Clean) — obligation to do neither.
This follows from the concord-across-negation generalization; the "need" u-feature
force (necessity) comes from the Fragment.
"Need" carries [u∀-MOD] in the Fragment.
The existential reading is available: ◇[i∃] checks ¬NEED[u∀].
The universal reading is blocked: □[i∀] cannot check ¬NEED[u∀].
Conjunctive permission, may-and-may (§2, ex. 7-8) #
"You may go to Bob's party and you may go to Charlie's party" has a reading where
Alice is allowed to go to both parties: ◇(Bob ∧ Charlie). Unlike disjunction,
◇(A ∧ B) is strictly stronger than ◇A ∧ ◇B, so for conjunction the scope
distinction has truth-conditional consequences.
For conjunction, narrow scope is strictly stronger than wide scope:
◇(A ∧ B) → ◇A ∧ ◇B (but not conversely).
Same-feature concord in the fragment #
[CG26]'s mechanism for the narrow-scope LF is that two
auxiliaries carrying the same modal feature are checked by a single silent
operator (the coordination structure for "you must A or you must B" → □(A ∨ B)),
leaving one semantic operator. The fragment exhibits the precondition: must and
have to both carry [u∀-MOD], so a single [i∀] operator checks both.
must and have to carry the same modal feature (both [u∀-MOD]) — a
same-force concord configuration.
have to carries [u∀-MOD]: necessity force, uninterpretable.
The must/have to concord as a ConcordDerivation, derived from the
Fragment: two [u∀] auxiliaries checked by one operator.
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Cross-force concord fails: "must" [u∀] cannot be checked by a silent [i∃-MOD]
operator. This predicts no concord between necessity and possibility modals.
Scope-data verification against the Fragment #
The modalForce field in each ScopeAmbiguityDatum is independently verifiable
against the Fragment's modal-meaning entries.
The force in mayOrMay matches the Fragment entry for "may".
The force in mustOrMust matches the Fragment entry for "must".
The force in mayAndMay matches the Fragment entry for "may".