Rákosi (2019): Reciprocal anaphors in singular constructions in Hungarian

@cite{rakosi-2019}

Workshop on Cross-Linguistic Semantics of Reciprocals, Utrecht University, 7–8 October 2019. Proceedings edited by Palmieri, Winter & Zwarts (2020).

Core Empirical Generalization

Hungarian reciprocals (egymás) tolerate morphosyntactically singular antecedents in four construction types (§§3–6), while reflexives (maga/maguk) require morphosyntactic plurality (plural noun head + plural verb agreement + plural anaphor form).

§	Construction	Syn#	Sem#	Refl(PL)	Recip
3	Quantified NP	SG	PL	✗	✓
4	Singular coordinate DP	SG	PL	✗	✓
5	Collective noun	SG	PL	✗	✓
6	Bound variable (pro)	SG	PL	—	✓
—	Plural NP (baseline)	PL	PL	✓	✓

Theoretical Claim

The plurality requirement on reciprocal antecedents is semantic, not morphosyntactic. This follows from the formal semantics of the anaphoric relations: reciprocity (R) requires per-situation distinctness (u_ant s ≠ u_pro s), presupposing multiple individuals in the denotation. Reflexive binding (=) operates via φ-feature agreement, a morphosyntactic mechanism.

Connections

• Theories/Semantics/Reference/PluralityLicensing.lean — the PluralityRequirement substrate (anchored on this paper).
• Theories/Semantics/Dynamic/PPCDRT/Anaphora.lean — the formal-semantic reciprocity / binding conditions over plural assignments.
• Fragments/Hungarian/Reciprocals.lean — AntecedentConfig, reciprocalLicensed, pluralReflexiveLicensed, verification.
• Phenomena/Anaphora/Studies/DalrympleHaug2024.lean §2 — the bound-variable case (§6 here) is also discussed there as evidence for the relational analysis of reciprocal scope.
• Phenomena/Anaphora/Coreference.lean — the reciprocalPattern notes that syntactically singular antecedents are possible.

theorem Rakosi2019.core_generalization : Semantics.Reference.PluralityLicensing.anaphorPluralityReq true = Semantics.Reference.PluralityLicensing.PluralityRequirement.semantic ∧ Semantics.Reference.PluralityLicensing.anaphorPluralityReq false = Semantics.Reference.PluralityLicensing.PluralityRequirement.morphosyntactic

The paper's core generalization: reciprocals need semantic plurality, reflexives need morphosyntactic plurality.

This is not stipulated — it is derived from anaphorPluralityReq in the theory layer, which in turn follows from the formal semantics of binding (=) vs. reciprocity (R).

theorem Rakosi2019.all_singular_constructions_license_recip : List.map Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.reciprocalLicensed Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.singularConstructions = [true, true, true, true]

All four singular constructions license reciprocals.

theorem Rakosi2019.no_singular_construction_licenses_pl_refl : List.map Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.pluralReflexiveLicensed Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.singularConstructions = [false, false, false, false]

No singular construction licenses the plural reflexive.

structure Rakosi2019.InclusiveRefData : Type

§2 rules out a potential confound: Hungarian "inclusive reference" reflexives (1SG subject + "ourselves") look like singular antecedent

• plural reflexive, but these are NOT bound variables.

Evidence: under csak ('only'), the inclusive reflexive gets a referential reading ("for us"), not a bound-variable reading ("for themselves"). True anaphors (matching-φ reflexives and reciprocals) DO get bound readings under csak.

The reciprocal is NEVER licensed in inclusive reference: "*Sokszor sajnálom egymás-t" is ungrammatical — the 1SG antecedent is not semantically plural.

• boundUnderOnly : Bool

  Can the inclusive reflexive be bound under "only"?

• reciprocalPossible : Bool

  Can the reciprocal appear in the inclusive construction?

def Rakosi2019.instReprInclusiveRefData.repr : InclusiveRefData → ℕ → Std.Format

Equations

• One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

@[implicit_reducible]

instance Rakosi2019.instReprInclusiveRefData : Repr InclusiveRefData

Equations

• Rakosi2019.instReprInclusiveRefData = { reprPrec := Rakosi2019.instReprInclusiveRefData.repr }

def Rakosi2019.inclusiveReflexive : InclusiveRefData

Equations

• Rakosi2019.inclusiveReflexive = { boundUnderOnly := false, reciprocalPossible := false }

theorem Rakosi2019.inclusive_not_anaphor : inclusiveReflexive.boundUnderOnly = false ∧ inclusiveReflexive.reciprocalPossible = false

Inclusive reflexives are not true anaphors: they don't bind under only, and the reciprocal is categorically excluded.

theorem Rakosi2019.quantified_np_asymmetry : Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.reciprocalLicensed Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.quantifiedNP = true ∧ Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.pluralReflexiveLicensed Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.quantifiedNP = false ∧ Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.quantifiedNP.verbAgr = Number.sg

§3: Quantified antecedents. Hungarian quantified NPs are morphologically singular and take 3SG verbs.

(8a) A két gyerek jól érezte magá-t/*maguk-at. 'The two children felt well.' (SG reflexive only)

(9a) A szobában három kisgyerek kergeti egymás-t. 'Three little children are chasing each other.' (reciprocal OK)

theorem Rakosi2019.coordinate_dp_asymmetry : Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.reciprocalLicensed Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.singularCoordinate = true ∧ Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.pluralReflexiveLicensed Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.singularCoordinate = false ∧ Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.singularCoordinate.verbAgr = Number.sg

§4: Singular coordinate DPs.

(11a) Kati és Éva kihúzta magát/*magukat. 'Kati and Éva drew themselves up.' (3SG verb → SG reflexive only)

(12) Kati és Éva látta/látták egymás-t a tükörben. 'Kati and Éva saw each other.' (reciprocal OK with SG or PL verb)

theorem Rakosi2019.collective_noun_asymmetry : Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.reciprocalLicensed Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.collectiveNoun = true ∧ Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.pluralReflexiveLicensed Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.collectiveNoun = false ∧ Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.collectiveNoun.verbAgr = Number.sg

§5: Collective noun antecedents.

(14) A személyzet fáradt volt/*voltak. 'The staff was tired.' (collective nouns: 3SG agreement only)

(15a) A személyzet riadtan nézte egymás-t. 'The staff were watching each other frightened.' (reciprocal OK)

(16) Az egész család jól érezte magá-t/*maguk-at. 'The whole family enjoyed themselves.' (SG reflexive only)

theorem Rakosi2019.bound_variable_asymmetry : Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.reciprocalLicensed Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.boundVariable = true ∧ Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.pluralReflexiveLicensed Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.boundVariable = false ∧ Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.boundVariable.verbAgr = Number.sg

§6: Bound variable antecedent.

(17) Péter és Éva az-t gondolja, hogy (*ő) szereti egymás-t. 'Péter and Éva think that they love each other.' (pro-dropped 3SG embedded subject, reciprocal OK, wide scope only)

This case is also discussed in @cite{dalrymple-haug-2024} §2 as evidence for the relational analysis: the singular bound pronoun forces binding (=), yielding the I-reading.

theorem Rakosi2019.semantic_justification : Semantics.Reference.PluralityLicensing.satisfiesPluralityReq Semantics.Reference.PluralityLicensing.PluralityRequirement.semantic false true = true ∧ Semantics.Reference.PluralityLicensing.satisfiesPluralityReq Semantics.Reference.PluralityLicensing.PluralityRequirement.morphosyntactic false true = false ∧ Semantics.Reference.PluralityLicensing.satisfiesPluralityReq Semantics.Reference.PluralityLicensing.PluralityRequirement.semantic false false = false ∧ Semantics.Reference.PluralityLicensing.satisfiesPluralityReq Semantics.Reference.PluralityLicensing.PluralityRequirement.morphosyntactic false false = false

The semantic justification: reciprocity requires distinct individuals, which is a denotation-level property. A semantically-plural but syntactically-singular antecedent provides the needed distinct individuals. A truly singular (atomic) antecedent does not — which is why "*A gyerek kergeti egymás-t" (the child chases each other) is ungrammatical even though the verb is 3SG.

theorem Rakosi2019.recip_needs_multiple_individuals : ¬Theories.Semantics.Dynamic.PPCDRT.reciprocityCond 0 1 (Core.PluralAssign.singleton ((Core.PartialAssign.empty.update 0 0).update 1 0)) ∅

The formal semantics connection: reciprocity (R) presupposes multiple individuals in the range of the discourse referent function. This is derived in PluralityLicensing.lean: reciprocity_implies_multiple_individuals. The PPCDRT version uses plural information states; the witness here is the contrapositive — if both anaphor and antecedent are mapped to the same value 0 in a singleton state, the distinctness clause of reciprocityCond rules out reciprocity.

theorem Rakosi2019.binding_ok_with_singleton : Theories.Semantics.Dynamic.PPCDRT.bindingCond 0 1 (Core.PluralAssign.singleton ((Core.PartialAssign.empty.update 0 42).update 1 42)) ∅

Binding (=) is compatible with a singleton state where both drefs point to the same value — explaining why reflexives don't impose a semantic plurality requirement.

theorem Rakosi2019.egymas_no_number_feature : Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.egymas.number = none

egymás is morphologically invariable — it bears no number feature. This is consistent with the claim that its plurality requirement is semantic, not morphosyntactic: it doesn't participate in φ-agreement.

theorem Rakosi2019.reflexive_number_paradigm : Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.maga.number = some Number.sg ∧ Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.maguk.number = some Number.pl

The reflexive DOES participate in φ-agreement: maga (SG) vs. maguk (PL). The anaphor's number must match the verb's agreement, confirming that reflexive licensing is morphosyntactic.

theorem Rakosi2019.recip_indifferent_to_verb_agreement : Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.reciprocalLicensed Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.singularCoordinate = true ∧ Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.reciprocalLicensed Fragments.Hungarian.Reciprocals.pluralAntecedent = true

The morphological invariance of egymás predicts it should be insensitive to verb agreement number — and it is: reciprocals are grammatical with both SG and PL verbs when the antecedent is a coordinate DP (ex. 12: "Kati és Éva látta/látták egymás-t").