Modal indefinites and semantic variation: lessons from Chuj #
[AOR24]'s account of Chuj yalnhej: the modal
component is at-issue, event-relative
(Semantics/Modality/EventRelativity, after [Hac06]), and its
flavor is derived from structural position and predicate volitionality
rather than stipulated lexically. The lexical entries live in the
ModalIndefinites fragments (Chuj, Spanish, German, French, Italian);
this file holds the paper's denotation, the cross-linguistic typology
over the pooled entries, the position × volitionality derivation, and
finite-model witnesses for non-maximality, upper-boundedness, and
harmonic anchoring.
One departure from [Hac06] (§4.1, fn. 17): yalnhej's anchor can be left free — bound by the speech-act event rather than the closest event binder — which is how external arguments above AspP still access the speech event.
Main declarations #
modalIndefiniteSat,upperBoundedSat— the paper's denotation (59).allEntries— the pooled fragment paradigms.predictedMIFlavors,flavor_pattern_derived— the position × volitionality pattern, derived fromaccessibleBindersandrcAvailable.
The modal indefinite denotation ((59)) #
The modal indefinite denotation (59):
`⟦MI⟧^{f,e₁} = λP.λQ.λw. ∃x[P(x)(w) ∧ Q(x)(w)] ∧ ∀y[P(y)(w) → ◇_{f(e₁)}(Q(y)(w'))]`
Some domain member satisfies restrictor and scope, and every restrictor member is a possible scope-satisfier — the modal-variation effect.
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- AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.modalIndefiniteSat f e domain P Q w = ((∃ x ∈ domain, P x w ∧ Q x w) ∧ ∀ y ∈ domain, P y w → Modality.Kratzer.simplePossibility (f e) (Q y) w)
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The upper-bounded denotation: additionally, not every P is Q in the actual world — algún's witness upper bound (§4.2; distinct from the anti-singleton domain constraint of [AOMB10]).
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- AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.upperBoundedSat f e domain P Q w = (AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.modalIndefiniteSat f e domain P Q w ∧ ¬∀ x ∈ domain, P x w → Q x w)
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Upper-boundedness strengthens the plain denotation.
The pooled sample #
The pooled cross-linguistic sample: the five fragment paradigms.
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Typological Generalizations (§6) #
Status and content are independent: yalnhej and irgendein share the same flavor inventory but differ in status (§6.1).
Yalnhej is the sample's only at-issue item with both epistemic and random-choice flavors.
Independence of Dimensions #
Status and upper-boundedness are independent: all four cells of the 2×2 matrix are attested (uno cualquiera, yalnhej, algún, irgendein).
AnchorConstraint Bridge #
Anchored entries are at-issue: event-relative anchoring is the paper's mechanism for at-issue modal components. The converse fails — komon is at-issue yet fits neither anchor constructor (§6.2). True by construction of the entries.
The anchor constraint underdetermines flavor (§6.2): uno cualquiera's volitional-only f blocks epistemic readings, while the unrestricted constraint admits both an epistemic item (yalnhej) and a random-choice-only one (n'importe quel).
Position and accessible binders #
Structural position of a DP in the Chuj clause. Factored from verb volitionality (an orthogonal property of the predicate, not of the structural position).
- external : ChujArgPosition
External argument (above vP): subject of transitive
- internal : ChujArgPosition
Internal argument (within vP): object, complement
- adjunct : ChujArgPosition
Adjunct (adjoined to vP): locative, manner, etc.
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Equations
- AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.instDecidableEqChujArgPosition x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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The event binders accessible from a position: external arguments sit above the aspectual projection that binds the VP event, so only the speech-act event is accessible; internal arguments and adjuncts access both.
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- AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.accessibleBinders AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.ChujArgPosition.external = [Modality.EventBinder.speechAct]
- AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.accessibleBinders AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.ChujArgPosition.internal = [Modality.EventBinder.speechAct, Modality.EventBinder.vpEvent]
- AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.accessibleBinders AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.ChujArgPosition.adjunct = [Modality.EventBinder.speechAct, Modality.EventBinder.vpEvent]
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MI Flavor Derivation via EventBinder #
The MI flavor projected by an event binder: speech-act events
project epistemic, VP events circumstantial (via
EventBinder.toAnchorType and AnchorType.toFlavor).
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One flavor per accessible binder.
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Random choice requires VP-event access (internal or adjunct position) and a volitional predicate, whose decision subevent anchors the reading.
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- AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.rcAvailable pos volitional = (((AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.accessibleBinders pos).any fun (x : Modality.EventBinder) => x == Modality.EventBinder.vpEvent) && volitional)
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Predicted MI flavors: where random choice is unavailable, the circumstantial flavor is filtered out.
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Flavor Pattern Verification #
The position × volitionality flavor pattern of §3.4, derived from accessible binders, flavor projection, and the volitionality constraint.
Voice heads to flavors #
Voice heads with [D] introduce a specifier above AspP, whose event variable is bound by the speech-act event; without [D] the highest DP is the internal argument, accessible to both binders.
Argument position from the Voice head: [+D] heads project an external argument above AspP.
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Flavor predictions for a Voice head and predicate volitionality.
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- AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.predictedMIFlavorsOf vh volitional = AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.predictedMIFlavors (AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.argPositionOf vh) volitional
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Flavor predictions per voice head: the external-argument heads (Ø, -w) admit epistemic only; the internal-argument heads (-ch, -j) admit both with a volitional predicate and epistemic only without (§3.4).
Flavor selectivity (§6.2) #
Komon can never express speaker ignorance ([AOR21]); yalnhej can.
Unremarkable Readings and Predicativity (§5) #
Predicativity and unremarkable readings coincide across all seven entries (§5). True by construction of the entries — the two fields were filled from the same diagnostics — so this records the encoding, not an independent prediction.
Number-neutral items lack upper-boundedness. (Footnote 18 of [AOR24], p. 32, crediting Louise McNally (p.c.): the lack of an upper bound for yalnhej DPs may be tied to their being semantically number neutral.)
Worked examples #
Finite-model witnesses instantiating the denotations above: non-maximality and the upper-bound contrast (book scenario, §3.2.4) and the harmonic vs non-harmonic anchoring distinction (card scenario, §4.3).
Book scenario #
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- AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.instDecidableEqBook x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.instReprBook = { reprPrec := AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.instReprBook.repr }
A speech event and a described event.
- speech : SpeechOrDescribed
- described : SpeechOrDescribed
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Equations
- AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.instDecidableEqSpeechOrDescribed x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Yalnhej on the book model: it holds both when every book is available (abc) and when not all are (ab) — non-maximal and not upper-bounded — while the upper-bounded denotation fails in abc. A maximal item would fail in ab; an upper-bounded item (algún) fails in abc.
Card scenario #
Under an external modal the MI's anchor can be co-indexed with the modal's event ("any X is fine" — harmonic) or bound to the described event ("a random X" — non-harmonic). Three cards, worlds varying in which cards are grabbable, and two anchoring events.
Equations
- AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.instDecidableEqCard x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.instReprCard = { reprPrec := AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.instReprCard.repr }
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The described (local) event and the imperative event.
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- AlonsoOvalleRoyer2024.instDecidableEqGrabEvent x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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The two readings are formally distinct on the card model: anchored to the local event, only c1 is grabbable and the modal component fails; co-indexed with the imperative event, every card is grabbable in some accessible world — "any card is fine". Same world, domain, and predicates; only the anchoring event differs.