Content Layers #
Semantic content is stratified into layers that determine its discourse behavior: how it projects, what denial can target, and whether it addresses the QUD.
[MvdS03] propose Layered DRT (LDRT), where every DRS
condition carries a label — pr (presupposition), fr (at-issue), or
imp (implicature) — that determines how it behaves in denial. This
module extracts the layer system as a standalone type that unifies several
existing linglib distinctions:
PartialProp(presup + assertion) is the 2-layer special case (pr+fr)AtIssueness(atIssue vs notAtIssue) classifies content by whether it addresses the QUD — correlating withfrvspr/imp
The Three Layers #
| Layer | Label | Denial example |
|---|---|---|
| Presupposition | pr | "The king of France is NOT bald — there is no king" (30b) |
| At-issue | fr | "Mary is NOT happy — she's miserable" (5) |
| Implicature | imp | "It's not POSSIBLE — it's NECESSARY" (29b) |
Design Note #
ContentLayer lives in Semantics/ because it generalizes PartialProp.
The diagnostic SCF/OLE taxonomy of projective content
([TBRS13]) lives in
Semantics/Presupposition/ProjectiveContent.lean.
Scope #
This module captures the layer taxonomy and the Off function (which
layers are offensive = inconsistent with a correction). The directed
reverse anaphora (RA*) mechanism that uses Off to selectively retract
conditions is defined in Studies/VanDerSandtMaier2003.lean as
LDRS.directedRA.
See also: Semantics/Composition/Layered.BiLayered #
Semantics/Composition/Layered.lean defines a 2-layer Prop-valued
sibling BiLayered W (atIssue / notAtIssue, both W → Prop) with
[MV26]'s composition rules I/II/III. Use LayeredProp
when LDRT's offensive-layer machinery is needed; use BiLayered when
the analysis only distinguishes at-issue from not-at-issue and operates
over Set W (verum, evidential illocution, biased polar questions). A
future Layered n parameterised refactor would consolidate the two.
The layer of a semantic contribution, determining its discourse behavior.
[MvdS03] introduce this three-way distinction in Layered DRT, but the classification is framework-independent: it captures a difference in how content projects, how it can be challenged, and what denial can target.
- presupposition : ContentLayer
Backgrounded precondition. Projects past negation, questions, modals. Targeted by "Hey wait a minute!" challenge. Example: "stop" presupposes prior state; "the king" presupposes existence.
- atIssue : ContentLayer
Free/assertoric content. Addresses the QUD directly. Targeted by direct denial ("No, that's not true"). Example: "The king is bald" asserts baldness.
- implicature : ContentLayer
Enrichment beyond literal truth conditions. Covers both scalar implicature (category D: "possible" implicates "not necessary") and connotation/register (category E: "steed" connotes formality). The paper groups both under
impas non-truth-conditional material targetable by denial. Example: "It's not POSSIBLE — it's NECESSARY" (29b).
Instances For
Equations
- Semantics.ContentLayer.instDecidableEqContentLayer x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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A full layered proposition: content at each layer.
Generalizes PartialProp from 2 layers to 3. When implicature is trivially
true, a LayeredProp degenerates to a PartialProp.
- presupposition : W → Bool
Presuppositional content (must hold for definedness).
- atIssue : W → Bool
At-issue/assertoric content.
- implicature : W → Bool
Implicature content (enrichment beyond truth conditions). Trivially true by default: most utterances carry no relevant implicature, just as
PartialProp.ofPropsets presupposition toλ _ => True.
Instances For
Access a layer's content by its tag.
Equations
Instances For
Project a LayeredProp to a PartialProp by discarding the implicature layer.
This is the canonical projection: PartialProp is the 2-layer special case
where implicature is invisible.
Equations
- lp.toPartialProp = { presup := fun (w : W) => lp.presupposition w = true, assertion := fun (w : W) => lp.atIssue w = true }
Instances For
Lift a PartialProp to a LayeredProp with trivially true implicature.
This is the canonical embedding: every PartialProp is a LayeredProp with
no implicature content. Noncomputable because Prop → Bool requires
classical decidability.
Equations
- Semantics.ContentLayer.LayeredProp.ofPartialProp p = { presupposition := fun (w : W) => if p.presup w then true else false, atIssue := fun (w : W) => if p.assertion w then true else false }
Instances For
The round-trip PartialProp → LayeredProp → PartialProp is the identity.
This confirms that PartialProp embeds faithfully into LayeredProp:
no information is lost or added in the embedding.
Layer l of φ is offensive with respect to a correction when no world
satisfies both the layer's content and the correction.
Off(φ, K) from [MvdS03]: the offensive layers are
those whose content is inconsistent with the correction context. In
propositional denial, only fr is offensive; in presuppositional denial,
pr (and fr) are offensive; in implicature denial, imp is offensive.
Equations
- Semantics.ContentLayer.isOffensive φ l correction worlds = !worlds.any fun (w : W) => φ.get l w && correction w
Instances For
Collect all offensive layers of φ with respect to a correction.
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A non-offensive layer's content is consistent with the correction: some world satisfies both.
Equations
- Semantics.ContentLayer.isConsistent φ l correction worlds = worlds.any fun (w : W) => φ.get l w && correction w
Instances For
Consistency is the negation of offensiveness.
Example 1: King of France (30) #
"The king of France is bald" has:
pr: France has a king (definite presupposition)fr: The king is bald (at-issue content)imp: trivially true (no implicature)
Two corrections disambiguate the denial:
- "He has a full head of hair" → propositional denial (only
froffensive) - "France does not have a king" → presuppositional denial (
prandfrboth offensive)
Equations
- Semantics.ContentLayer.instDecidableEqKFWorld x✝ y✝ = if h : Semantics.ContentLayer.KFWorld.ctorIdx✝ x✝ = Semantics.ContentLayer.KFWorld.ctorIdx✝ y✝ then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Propositional denial: correction "he has hair" conflicts with fr only.
The presupposition (king exists) is consistent with the correction
(world kingHairy satisfies both), so pr is NOT offensive. But no
world is both bald and hairy, so fr IS offensive.
Corresponds to the standard propositional-denial reading of (30).
Presuppositional denial: correction "no king exists" conflicts with
both pr and fr.
No world has both "king exists" and "no king exists," so pr is
offensive. No world is both "bald" and "no king," so fr is ALSO
offensive — the assertion "falls with" the presupposition.
Corresponds to (30b): "The king of France is NOT bald — France does not have a king."
Example 2: Possibility → Necessity (29) #
"It is possible that the pope is right" has:
pr: trivially truefr: ◇p (it is possible)imp: ¬□p (not necessary — the scalar implicature of "possible")
Correction: "It is NECESSARY that the pope is right" (□p).
Only imp is offensive: ◇p is consistent with □p (necessity entails
possibility), but ¬□p contradicts □p.
Equations
- Semantics.ContentLayer.instDecidableEqModalW x✝ y✝ = if h : Semantics.ContentLayer.ModalW.ctorIdx✝ x✝ = Semantics.ContentLayer.ModalW.ctorIdx✝ y✝ then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Implicature denial: correction "it is necessary" conflicts with imp only.
The presupposition (trivially true) and at-issue content (◇p) are both consistent with the correction (□p entails ◇p). Only the scalar implicature (¬□p) conflicts.
Corresponds to (29b): "It is not POSSIBLE, it is NECESSARY that the pope is right."
BiLayered: 2-layer ⟨A, N⟩ Prop-valued sibling #
A Prop-valued 2-layer sibling of LayeredProp ([MV26],
inheriting the percolation discipline of [Pot05] and the at-issue
proposal / appositive imposition split of [ABBH15]):
the at-issue layer is the proffered content, the not-at-issue layer
backgrounds presuppositions, conventional implicatures, and evidential
commitments — collapsing LayeredProp's presupposition and
implicature layers into a single notAtIssue. The substrate stays
propositional (W → Prop) because the consumers (verum studies,
evidential illocution, biased polar questions) operate over Set W.
| Rule | When to use | At-issue layer | Not-at-issue layer |
|---|---|---|---|
| I | β has trivial NAI; α brings NAI | α.A β.A | α.N β.A |
| II | both α and β bring NAI | α.A β.A | α.N β.A ∧ β.N |
| III | α is illocutionary, takes the full ⟨A, N⟩ pair | (full pair handed to α) | (full pair handed to α) |
A 2-layer ⟨A, N⟩ proposition. Trivially-true notAtIssue is the
default — most expressions add no not-at-issue content, so the empty
case should be cheap to construct.
- atIssue : W → Prop
Proffered, at-issue content.
- notAtIssue : W → Prop
Backgrounded, not-at-issue content. Defaults to trivially true.
Instances For
Lift a single proposition to a BiLayered with trivial NAI.
Equations
- Semantics.ContentLayer.BiLayered.ofProp p = { atIssue := p }
Instances For
[MV26] Composition rule I: β has empty NAI; α brings
NAI. The new at-issue layer is α.A β.A; the new NAI is α.N β.A.
Equations
- Semantics.ContentLayer.composeI atFn naiFn β = { atIssue := atFn β.atIssue, notAtIssue := naiFn β.atIssue }
Instances For
[MV26] Composition rule II: both α and β bring NAI.
The new NAI accumulates α.N β.A ∧ β.N.
Equations
- Semantics.ContentLayer.composeII atFn naiFn β = { atIssue := atFn β.atIssue, notAtIssue := fun (w : W) => naiFn β.atIssue w ∧ β.notAtIssue w }
Instances For
[MV26] Composition rule III: an illocutionary operator takes the full ⟨A, N⟩ pair from β and returns a new pair.
Equations
- Semantics.ContentLayer.composeIII op β = op β
Instances For
Composition I subsumes Composition II when β.N is trivially true:
the extra ∧ True conjunct collapses. The formal sense in which
rule II generalises rule I.