Documentation

Studies.VanDerSandtMaier2003

van der Sandt and Maier (2003): Denials in Discourse #

This file formalizes [vdSM03]'s account of denial as a non-monotonic correction operation on the discourse record, independent of the semantic operator of negation, against [Hor85]'s metalinguistic negation. A denial leaves a negated star condition in the discourse representation, and reverse anaphora moves the material objected to under that negation, (2); removing the whole contribution of the previous utterance fails on [Str52]'s pushed man, (3), on multiple presuppositions, (4), and on an acknowledged part of the utterance, (5). Layered DRT distributes the information an utterance conveys over layers, each condition labelled with the Frege, presupposition or implicature layer of the sentence it comes from, Label, Condition, LDRS, and the content of a set of layers ignores every other, content, (13). Directed reverse anaphora then targets the offensive layers alone, a smallest set of layers whose content is inconsistent with the Frege content of the correction, IsOff, (18), and moves their conditions under the negation of the denial, directedRA, (19): the resulting record keeps the conditions of every other layer and entails the negation of the offensive content, content_directedRA, so the offensive content is retracted, disjoint_content_directedRA, while assertion, the merge of representations, only strengthens the record, content_append_subset. The worked examples are the implicature denials of the possibly right Pope, (20), popeOff, pope_content_directedRA, and of the lady who is a wife, (21), ladyOff, lady_nice_survives.

Implementation notes #

The paper interprets layered representations by partial embeddings and closes open layers into singular propositions through the utterance context, (15) and (16); here a condition carries the proposition it expresses once anchored, so an LDRS is a list of labelled propositions and the L-content is the intersection of the conditions bearing a label in L. Offensiveness is minimal disjointness, which need not be unique. The finer targeting of footnote 10, moving only the smallest inconsistent sub-DRS, is not formalized: at the granularity of layers the denial of one of two presuppositions of the same sentence, (4), retracts both, kingQuit_quit_lost, the limitation the paper records there. The examples are the rows of Data.Examples.VanDerSandtMaier2003.

References #

Layered DRT #

The layer of a semantic contribution carrying a condition: a backgrounded precondition, the proffered content, or an enrichment beyond the truth conditions — the paper's pr, fr and imp layers.

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      A layer label, (6), names the background or a content layer of the i-th sentence.

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          abbrev VanDerSandtMaier2003.fr (i : ℕ) :

          The Frege layer of sentence i.

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            abbrev VanDerSandtMaier2003.pr (i : ℕ) :

            The presupposition layer of sentence i.

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              The implicature layer of sentence i.

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                structure VanDerSandtMaier2003.Condition (W : Type u_2) :
                Type u_2

                A labelled condition, (8), pairs its labels with the proposition it expresses once its reference markers are anchored in the context.

                • labels : Finset Label
                • content : Set W
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                  abbrev VanDerSandtMaier2003.LDRS (W : Type u_2) :
                  Type u_2

                  A layered DRS lists its labelled conditions.

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                    def VanDerSandtMaier2003.content {W : Type u_1} (ϕ : LDRS W) (L : Finset Label) :
                    Set W

                    By (11b) and (13), the L-content of a representation, the conditions bearing a label in L, every other condition being ignored.

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                      theorem VanDerSandtMaier2003.mem_content_iff {W : Type u_1} {ϕ : LDRS W} {L : Finset Label} {w : W} :
                      w ∈ content ϕ L ↔ ∀ c ∈ ϕ, (c.labels ∩ L).Nonempty → w ∈ c.content
                      theorem VanDerSandtMaier2003.content_append {W : Type u_1} (ϕ ψ : LDRS W) (L : Finset Label) :
                      content (ϕ ++ ψ) L = content ϕ L ∩ content ψ L
                      theorem VanDerSandtMaier2003.content_append_subset {W : Type u_1} (ϕ ψ : LDRS W) (L : Finset Label) :
                      content (ϕ ++ ψ) L ⊆ content ϕ L

                      Assertion is monotonic: merging a representation into the record only strengthens the record's content.

                      Directed reverse anaphora #

                      def VanDerSandtMaier2003.IsOff {W : Type u_1} (ϕ : LDRS W) (K L : Finset Label) :

                      In (18), L is offensive against the correction layers K, a smallest set of layers whose content is inconsistent with the content of K.

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                        def VanDerSandtMaier2003.surviving {W : Type u_1} (ϕ : LDRS W) (off : Finset Label) :

                        The conditions bearing no offensive label.

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                          def VanDerSandtMaier2003.directedRA {W : Type u_1} (ϕ : LDRS W) (off : Finset Label) (i : ℕ) :

                          Directed reverse anaphora for the denial σ i, (19), moves the conditions bearing an offensive label move under a negation in the denial's Frege layer, the others stay.

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                            theorem VanDerSandtMaier2003.content_directedRA {W : Type u_1} (ϕ : LDRS W) (off : Finset Label) {i : ℕ} {L : Finset Label} (hi : fr i ∈ L) :
                            content (directedRA ϕ off i) L = content (surviving ϕ off) L ∩ (content ϕ off)ᶜ

                            The record after directed reverse anaphora, read at layers including the denial's Frege layer: the surviving conditions together with the negation of the offensive content.

                            theorem VanDerSandtMaier2003.disjoint_content_directedRA {W : Type u_1} (ϕ : LDRS W) (off : Finset Label) {i : ℕ} {L : Finset Label} (hi : fr i ∈ L) :
                            Disjoint (content (directedRA ϕ off i) L) (content ϕ off)

                            Denial is non-monotonic: the offensive content is retracted from the record.

                            theorem VanDerSandtMaier2003.content_directedRA_subset {W : Type u_1} {ϕ : LDRS W} {off : Finset Label} {i : ℕ} {L : Finset Label} (hi : fr i ∈ L) {c : Condition W} (hc : c ∈ ϕ) (hoff : c.labels ∩ off = ∅) (hL : (c.labels ∩ L).Nonempty) :
                            content (directedRA ϕ off i) L ⊆ c.content

                            A condition bearing no offensive label survives directed reverse anaphora.

                            The possibly right Pope, (20) #

                            The worlds of (20) make the Pope possibly but not necessarily right, or necessarily right.

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                                ψ of (20) before reverse anaphora holds the background Pope, σ₁'s Frege content that he is possibly right and implicature that he is not necessarily right, and σ₃'s correction that he is necessarily right.

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                                  Off(ψ, fr₃) = {imp₁} — the correction clashes with the implicature layer alone.

                                  After directed reverse anaphora the record says the Pope is necessarily right, keeping σ₁'s Frege content and negating its implicature.

                                  The lady who is a wife, (21) #

                                  In the worlds of (21), the woman pointed at is a nice stranger, a nice wife, or a wife who is not nice.

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                                      ψ of (21) holds the background pointing, σ₁'s Frege content that she is a lady and nice, the latter acknowledged by σ₂, its implicature that she is a stranger, and σ₄'s correction that she is my wife.

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                                        Off(ψ, fr₄) = {imp₁} — being my wife clashes with the stranger implicature alone.

                                        The acknowledged content that she is nice survives the denial of the implicature.

                                        Two presuppositions, (4) #

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                                        The worlds of (4) record whether France has a king and whether I quit smoking.

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                                          ψ of (4) holds σ₁'s two presuppositions, that France has a king and that I quit smoking, its Frege content that the king knows it, and σ₂'s correction that France has no king.

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                                            theorem VanDerSandtMaier2003.kingQuit_quit_lost :
                                            surviving kingQuitRecord {pr 1} = [{ labels := {fr 1}, content := {w : KingQuitW | w.1 = true ∧ w.2 = true} }, { labels := {fr 2}, content := {w : KingQuitW | w.1 = false} }]

                                            At the granularity of layers, denying the king moves the presupposition that I quit smoking under the negation as well: only the Frege conditions survive, the limitation of footnote 10.