van der Sandt and Maier (2003): Denials in Discourse #
This file formalizes [vdSM03]'s account of denial as a non-monotonic
correction operation on the discourse record, independent of the semantic operator of
negation, against [Hor85]'s metalinguistic negation. A denial leaves a negated star
condition in the discourse representation, and reverse anaphora moves the material objected
to under that negation, (2); removing the whole contribution of the previous utterance fails on
[Str52]'s pushed man, (3), on multiple presuppositions, (4), and on an acknowledged
part of the utterance, (5). Layered DRT distributes the information an utterance conveys over
layers, each condition labelled with the Frege, presupposition or implicature layer of the
sentence it comes from, Label, Condition, LDRS, and the content of a set of layers ignores
every other, content, (13). Directed reverse anaphora then targets the offensive layers alone,
a smallest set of layers whose content is inconsistent with the Frege content of the correction,
IsOff, (18), and moves their conditions under the negation of the denial, directedRA, (19):
the resulting record keeps the conditions of every other layer and entails the negation of the
offensive content, content_directedRA, so the offensive content is retracted,
disjoint_content_directedRA, while assertion, the merge of representations, only strengthens
the record, content_append_subset. The worked examples are the implicature denials of the
possibly right Pope, (20), popeOff, pope_content_directedRA, and of the lady who is a wife,
(21), ladyOff, lady_nice_survives.
Implementation notes #
The paper interprets layered representations by partial embeddings and closes open layers
into singular propositions through the utterance context, (15) and (16); here a condition
carries the proposition it expresses once anchored, so an LDRS is a list of labelled
propositions and the L-content is the intersection of the conditions bearing a label in L.
Offensiveness is minimal disjointness, which need not be unique. The finer targeting of
footnote 10, moving only the smallest inconsistent sub-DRS, is not formalized: at the
granularity of layers the denial of one of two presuppositions of the same sentence, (4),
retracts both, kingQuit_quit_lost, the limitation the paper records there. The examples are
the rows of Data.Examples.VanDerSandtMaier2003.
References #
Layered DRT #
The layer of a semantic contribution carrying a condition: a backgrounded
precondition, the proffered content, or an enrichment beyond the truth conditions —
the paper's pr, fr and imp layers.
- presupposition : ContentLayer
- atIssue : ContentLayer
- implicature : ContentLayer
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Equations
- VanDerSandtMaier2003.instDecidableEqContentLayer x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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A layer label, (6), names the background or a content layer of the i-th sentence.
- background : Label
- of (layer : ContentLayer) (i : ℕ) : Label
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- VanDerSandtMaier2003.instDecidableEqLabel.decEq VanDerSandtMaier2003.Label.background VanDerSandtMaier2003.Label.background = isTrue ⋯
- VanDerSandtMaier2003.instDecidableEqLabel.decEq VanDerSandtMaier2003.Label.background (VanDerSandtMaier2003.Label.of layer i) = isFalse ⋯
- VanDerSandtMaier2003.instDecidableEqLabel.decEq (VanDerSandtMaier2003.Label.of layer i) VanDerSandtMaier2003.Label.background = isFalse ⋯
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- VanDerSandtMaier2003.instReprLabel = { reprPrec := VanDerSandtMaier2003.instReprLabel.repr }
The Frege layer of sentence i.
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The presupposition layer of sentence i.
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The implicature layer of sentence i.
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A labelled condition, (8), pairs its labels with the proposition it expresses once its reference markers are anchored in the context.
- labels : Finset Label
- content : Set W
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A layered DRS lists its labelled conditions.
Equations
- VanDerSandtMaier2003.LDRS W = List (VanDerSandtMaier2003.Condition W)
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By (11b) and (13), the L-content of a representation, the conditions bearing a label in
L,
every other condition being ignored.
Equations
- VanDerSandtMaier2003.content ϕ L = ⋂ c ∈ List.filter (fun (c : VanDerSandtMaier2003.Condition W) => decide (c.labels ∩ L).Nonempty) ϕ, c.content
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Directed reverse anaphora #
In (18), L is offensive against the correction layers K, a smallest set of layers
whose
content is inconsistent with the content of K.
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The conditions bearing no offensive label.
Equations
- VanDerSandtMaier2003.surviving ϕ off = List.filter (fun (c : VanDerSandtMaier2003.Condition W) => decide (c.labels ∩ off = ∅)) ϕ
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Directed reverse anaphora for the denial σ i, (19), moves the conditions bearing an
offensive
label move under a negation in the denial's Frege layer, the others stay.
Equations
- VanDerSandtMaier2003.directedRA ϕ off i = VanDerSandtMaier2003.surviving ϕ off ++ [{ labels := {VanDerSandtMaier2003.fr i}, content := (VanDerSandtMaier2003.content ϕ off)ᶜ }]
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The record after directed reverse anaphora, read at layers including the denial's Frege layer: the surviving conditions together with the negation of the offensive content.
Denial is non-monotonic: the offensive content is retracted from the record.
A condition bearing no offensive label survives directed reverse anaphora.
The possibly right Pope, (20) #
The worlds of (20) make the Pope possibly but not necessarily right, or necessarily right.
Instances For
Equations
- VanDerSandtMaier2003.instDecidableEqPopeW x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- VanDerSandtMaier2003.instReprPopeW = { reprPrec := VanDerSandtMaier2003.instReprPopeW.repr }
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ψ of (20) before reverse anaphora holds the background Pope, σ₁'s Frege content that he
is
possibly right and implicature that he is not necessarily right, and σ₃'s correction that he is
necessarily right.
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Off(ψ, fr₃) = {imp₁} — the correction clashes with the implicature layer alone.
After directed reverse anaphora the record says the Pope is necessarily right, keeping σ₁'s Frege content and negating its implicature.
The lady who is a wife, (21) #
Equations
- VanDerSandtMaier2003.instDecidableEqLadyW x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- VanDerSandtMaier2003.instReprLadyW = { reprPrec := VanDerSandtMaier2003.instReprLadyW.repr }
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ψ of (21) holds the background pointing, σ₁'s Frege content that she is a lady and
nice, the
latter acknowledged by σ₂, its implicature that she is a stranger, and σ₄'s correction that she
is my wife.
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Off(ψ, fr₄) = {imp₁} — being my wife clashes with the stranger implicature alone.
The acknowledged content that she is nice survives the denial of the implicature.
Two presuppositions, (4) #
The worlds of (4) record whether France has a king and whether I quit smoking.
Equations
- VanDerSandtMaier2003.KingQuitW = (Bool × Bool)
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ψ of (4) holds σ₁'s two presuppositions, that France has a king and that I quit
smoking, its
Frege content that the king knows it, and σ₂'s correction that France has no king.
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At the granularity of layers, denying the king moves the presupposition that I quit smoking under the negation as well: only the Frege conditions survive, the limitation of footnote 10.