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Linglib.Phenomena.Possession.Studies.AissenPolian2025

Aissen & Polian 2025: Possessor Extraction and Categorical Subject in Tseltalan #

@cite{aissen-polian-2025}

Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 43:63--113.

Overview #

Tseltalan languages (Tsotsil, Tseltal) have two possessor extraction strategies — pied-piping and stranding — whose availability depends on nominal size (= specificity) and intervention by A-positioned DPs.

The analysis rests on two independent mechanisms:

  1. Selective opacity (@cite{keine-2019}): N⁰ is a horizon for wh-probes on C° — Ā-subextraction from within ANY nominal is impossible, regardless of size. This forces all possessor extraction to proceed via external possession.

  2. D-layer shielding (Attract Closest): in specific DPs, D° is closer to T°'s [EPP:D] probe than the possessor inside Spec,PossP. Non-specific nominals (PossP/nP) lack a D layer, so T°'s probe reaches the possessor.

Together these derive:

Stranding is further constrained by intervention: an A-positioned DP (agent or S_A) between the possessor and T°'s [EPP:D] probe blocks possessor raising via Attract Closest.

ψ-Subject Constructions #

A&P identify a family of constructions in which a possessor is interpreted as ψ-subject (categorical-judgment subject in Spec,TP, @cite{kuroda-1972}). §5 focuses on three intransitive unaccusative cases: predicative possession (§5.2), experiential collocations (§5.3), and ordinary lexical unaccusatives (§5.4). §6.2 extends the analysis to configurations where the ψ-subject possessor originates inside a PP: path verbs (§6.2.1), locative existentials (§6.2.2), and two-argument experiential collocations (§6.2.3). §7.1 further notes that even Psr-A can serve as ψ-subject in broad-predicate expressions like x's fleas landed on me. The ψConstruction enumeration below covers the §5 intransitive subset; §6.2 / §7.1 cases are noted but not enumerated.

Predecessor Accounts and Comparative Engagement #

A&P §4 contests @cite{little-2020a} / @cite{little-2020b}, the proximate Ch'ol analysis that derives possessor-extraction asymmetries from a Diesing-style specificity restriction combined with the Freezing Principle (Object Shift of specific objects → frozen for Ā-subextraction). A&P argue Little's account fails to extend to non-specific cases: Ā-subextraction is blocked from non-specifics as well, so a blanket nominal-opacity ban (selective opacity) is needed instead.

The escape-hatch view of @cite{gavruseva-2000} (Spec,DP as left-edge position parallel to Spec,CP) is the older predecessor view A&P reject: their analysis derives extraction without any DP-internal subextraction step. @cite{aissen-1996} is the earlier Tsotsil pied-piping analysis; @cite{aissen-1999a} establishes that Tseltalan A's extract freely (used in §6.2 to motivate why intervention is by A-position not Ā-extraction). @cite{coon-baier-levin-2021} on Mayan agent focus is contested in §6.1 (the file currently does not formalize this).

@cite{coon-henderson-2011} and @cite{aissen-1987} are the two competing analyses of the Tseltalan possessive applicative (control vs raising); A&P adopt the raising analysis, which the file's DProbeHead.appl slot implicitly assumes.

@cite{heycock-doron-2003} on Hebrew broad subjects is A&P's primary cross-linguistic typological precedent for ψ-subjects (cited p. 86 fn 22 alongside Tz'utujil, Chickasaw, Sinitic double-unaccusative).

Integration Points #

Nominal projections in Tseltalan, determining extractability. @cite{aissen-polian-2025} §3.2, (11)/(18): specific indefinites and definites project to DP; non-specific indefinites project only to nP (if non-possessive) or PossP (if possessive).

Derived from the nominal spine in NominalStructure.lean: √ROOT < n < (Poss) < D.

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      The highest position projected in the nominal spine. For DPs, the highest position is D (which shields the possessor from external D-probes). For non-specific nominals, the highest position IS the possessor's specifier position, making the possessor directly accessible.

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        Specific nominals project to DP; non-specific nominals do not. @cite{aissen-polian-2025} §3.2.

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          Clause types in Tseltalan, classified by whether the verb projects an external argument (vP layer). This is a theoretical classification from Minimalist syntax, used here to derive intervention effects.

          @cite{aissen-polian-2025} (9):

          • Unaccusative: no vP layer (sole argument is complement of V)
          • Transitive: vP layer with agent in Spec,vP
          • Unergative: vP layer with agentive S in Spec,vP
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              Whether a clause type projects a vP layer (= has an external argument position that could host an intervening DP). @cite{aissen-polian-2025} (9): transitives and unergatives have vP; unaccusatives do not.

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                Unaccusatives lack a vP layer; transitives and unergatives have one. The positive directions are immediate from the def; this lemma names the negative direction for stranding-intervention proofs to consume.

                Probe types that trigger movement in Tseltalan. @cite{aissen-polian-2025} §3.1, (10):

                • [EPP:D] on T° and Appl°: triggers A-movement of a DP to the probe's specifier. T° and Appl° take rightside specifiers.
                • [EPP:WH] on D° (secondary wh-movement) and C° (primary wh-movement): triggers Ā-movement of a wh-phrase.
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                    Selective opacity (@cite{keine-2019}, @cite{aissen-polian-2025} (33)): N⁰ is a horizon for wh-probes on C°. Elements inside the extended projection of N⁰ are invisible to wh-probes, blocking Ā-subextraction.

                    Crucially, this does NOT apply to D-probes: A-movement of a possessor DP out of a nominal is permitted. The opacity is selective — it depends on the probe type, not on nominal size.

                    [wh]_{C°} -|| N (A&P's (33))

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                      Ā-subextraction from within a nominal is impossible. Derived from selective opacity: wh-probes cannot see into nominals, regardless of nominal size. The proposition does not depend on NominalSize — @cite{aissen-polian-2025} (33) is the universal nominal-opacity ban A&P argue against the size-relative Diesing/Freezing predecessor of @cite{little-2020a} / @cite{little-2020b}.

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                        Convert a ProbeType to a ProbeProfile from @cite{keine-2019}.

                        • dProbe (A-movement, on T°/Appl°) maps to an A-probe on T° with horizon C — the same profile as keineAProbe.
                        • whProbe (Ā-movement, on D°/C°) maps to an Ā-probe on C° with no horizon — the same profile as keineĀProbe.
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                          D-probes are A-probes in Keine's classification.

                          Wh-probes are Ā-probes in Keine's classification.

                          Selective opacity is consistent with Keine's transparency: wh-probes (Ā, no horizon) are transparent to all clause types including CP, while d-probes (A, horizon C) cannot search into CP or TP.

                          The selectivelyOpaque predicate captures a different facet — opacity of nominals (N° as horizon), not opacity of clauses. But both derive from the same underlying mechanism: probes differ in their horizons.

                          D-layer shielding: in a specific nominal (DP), D° is closer to an external D-probe (T°'s [EPP:D]) than the possessor inside Spec,PossP or Spec,nP. Attract Closest causes the probe to find D° first, preventing it from reaching the possessor.

                          Non-specific nominals (PossP/nP) lack a D layer, so T°'s probe reaches the possessor directly.

                          This is independent of selective opacity: D-probes CAN see into nominals (selectivelyOpaque .dProbe = false), but D° intervenes when present.

                          Derived from IsSpecific: D-layer shielding ↔ specificity.

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                            Two possessor extraction strategies in Tseltalan. @cite{aissen-polian-2025} §3.

                            • piedPiping : ExtractionMode

                              Pied-piping: the entire nominal (including possessor) moves to Spec,CP. Requires D projection: only DPs can be targeted by a wh-probe as a unit.

                            • stranding : ExtractionMode

                              Stranding: the possessor first A-moves out of the nominal via T°'s or Appl°'s [EPP:D] probe, then Ā-moves from the external position. Requires the nominal to be transparent to D-probes (always true) AND no D-layer shielding (non-specific).

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                                Whether a given extraction mode is available for a nominal of given size, ignoring clause-level intervention.

                                • Pied-piping: the whole DP moves via wh-probe → requires D projection (specific). Non-DPs cannot undergo wh-movement.
                                • Stranding: possessor A-moves out via D-probe → requires no D-layer shielding. D-probes see through nominals (selective opacity doesn't apply), but D° intervenes in specific DPs.

                                @cite{aissen-polian-2025} §3.2.

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                                  Every nominal size admits at least one extraction mode. Possessor extraction is never fully blocked — the available strategy depends on specificity.

                                  Complementary distribution: pied-piping and stranding are mutually exclusive — exactly one is available for each nominal size. Specific nominals admit only pied-piping; non-specific nominals admit only stranding. Both reduce to IsSpecific.

                                  Possessor extraction in Tseltalan never involves Ā-subextraction. This follows from selective opacity: wh-probes cannot see into nominals, so the possessor cannot be extracted from within.

                                  Since subextraction is impossible, extraction requires either: (a) moving the whole nominal (pied-piping) — possessor at clause level (b) first A-moving the possessor out (stranding) — possessor external

                                  In both cases, the extracted possessor is external at the point of Ā-movement. This is A&P's claim (3): "An extracted possessor in Tseltalan is always an external possessor."

                                  Map nominal size to possession type from NominalStructure.lean.

                                  • nP-internal possessors (Spec,nP) → inalienable
                                  • PossP-level possessors (Spec,PossP) → alienable
                                  • DP subsumes both; the type depends on internal structure.
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                                    For non-specific nominals, the highest projection IS the possessor's position, agreeing with PossessionType.possessorPosition from NominalStructure.lean. For DPs, the highest projection is D (the possessor is shielded below).

                                    Convergence: both A&P's D-layer shielding and the Specificity Condition (see Syntax.Binding.SpecificityCondition) predict that specific DPs resist possessor extraction by stranding/binding into the DP.

                                    Divergence: A&P predict pied-piping IS available for specific DPs (whole DP moves, no subextraction); the Specificity Condition blocks ALL operator binding into specific DPs. The two constraints operate at different levels — D-layer shielding targets A-movement (D-probes), the Specificity Condition targets operator-variable binding.

                                    The grammatical function of a ψ-subject. ψ-subjects are always intransitive subjects — they raise from unaccusative clauses where the sole argument is S_O (patientive).

                                    @cite{aissen-polian-2025} §5, Table 1: all ψ-subject constructions are structurally unaccusative, so the ψ-subject is always S_O.

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                                      ψ-subject agreement is DERIVED from GramFunction.markerSet: ψ-subjects are S_O, and S_O maps to Set B (absolutive).

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                                        ψ-subjects receive Set B (absolutive) agreement — derived from the fact that they are S_O, and S_O maps to Set B.

                                        A ψ-subject must be specific (= project to DP) to raise to Spec,TP. @cite{aissen-polian-2025} §5.1, p. 85: "the subject of a clause which expresses a categorical judgment cannot be non-specific."

                                        This connects the specificity system to the ψ-subject system: T°'s [EPP:D] probe searches for a DP. If the highest nominal in T°'s domain is non-specific (PossP/nP), it is not a DP, and T°'s probe passes over it. Only a specific DP satisfies the [EPP:D] requirement and raises to Spec,TP as ψ-subject.

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                                          The three intransitive-unaccusative ψ-subject constructions of @cite{aissen-polian-2025} §5. Not exhaustive: §6.2 adds path verbs, locative existentials, and two-argument experiential collocations (where the ψ-subject possessor originates inside a PP — see ψPPConstruction below); §7.1 admits Psr-A as ψ-subject in broad-predicate expressions like x's fleas landed on me (not enumerated here, as those are transitive). p. 91 fn 29 / p. 102 fn 34 also note transitive/causative versions of experiential collocations where the possessor externalizes to Spec,ApplP rather than Spec,TP — by definition not ψ-subject constructions.

                                          • predicativePossession : ψConstruction

                                            Predicative possession: 'X has Y' via existential construction (Tsotsil oy, Tseltal ay). ψ-subject = possessor of pivot. Structure (44): [TP T° [VP V° PossP]] — V° is the existential.

                                          • experientialCollocation : ψConstruction

                                            Experiential collocation (intransitive, §5.3): 'X is angry' (lit: 'x's head gets mixed up'). ψ-subject = experiencer-possessor. Structure (52): [TP T° [VP V° PossP]].

                                          • lexicalUnaccusative : ψConstruction

                                            Lexical unaccusative (§5.4): 'X's money was lost.' ψ-subject = possessor of theme (S_O), present only on the non-specific reading where PossP remains.

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                                              Additional ψ-subject configurations from @cite{aissen-polian-2025} §6.2 in which the ψ-subject possessor originates as the object of an internal PP (Psr-OP) rather than as a possessor of the verb's direct internal argument. The clauses are still unaccusative (no vP), but the ψ-subject reaches Spec,TP via raising from inside a PP rather than a PossP. These are ψ-subjects in the same sense as ψConstruction above; they are kept in a separate enumeration only because the geometry of extraction (PP-internal origin, locative co-argument) differs from the simple V° + PossP cases of §5.

                                              • pathVerb : ψPPConstruction

                                                Path verb (§6.2.1): intransitive motion verb (V° + Theme + PP_loc), e.g. (75a) Mach'a och wakax [ta s-na]? 'Who had a cow enter his house?' — ψ-subject = possessor of locative PP, raised over non-specific Theme.

                                              • locativeExistential : ψPPConstruction

                                                Locative existential (§6.2.2): same predicative oy/ay as predicative possession but with PP rather than PossP, e.g. (77b) Much'u oy ixim [ta s-na]? 'Who has corn in his/her house?' — ψ-subject = possessor of locative PP, Theme is non-specific.

                                              • twoArgExperiential : ψPPConstruction

                                                Two-argument experiential collocation (§6.2.3): experiencer introduced in PP whose object is the experiential PossP, e.g. (81) Mach'u k'ux-at [ta y-o'tan]? 'Who loves you?' (lit. 'who are you painful in their heart?') — ψ-subject = possessor of PP-experiencer, can extract regardless of Theme specificity.

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                                                  The clause type for every §5 ψ-construction is unaccusative (@cite{aissen-polian-2025} p. 83 verbatim: "three unaccusative constructions"). The function is constant over its domain — the constraint is intrinsic to membership in ψConstruction.

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                                                    Whether pied-piping is possible for a given ψ-construction.

                                                    In predicative possession (§5.2, (48a/48b)) and experiential collocations (§5.3, (55a/55b)), the possessor and possessum do NOT form a constituent that can undergo wh-movement: the predicative element (oy/ay, or the verb) intervenes. Only stranding works.

                                                    In lexical unaccusatives (§5.4, (62a/62b)), the entire possessive phrase IS the internal argument and can be pied-piped.

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                                                      Every §5 ψ-construction is structurally unaccusative (true by the type signature of clauseType).

                                                      Every §5 ψ-construction lacks a vP layer. Derived from ψ_constructions_unaccusative and unaccusative_no_vP.

                                                      The ψ-subject grammatical function in every §5 construction is S_O (@cite{aissen-polian-2025} §5: in all three, the ψ-subject raises from an unaccusative-internal-argument position).

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                                                        ψ-subject agreement in every §5 construction is Set B, derived from the S_O grammatical function via the shared Tseltalan paradigm.

                                                        §6.2 PP-internal ψ-subjects #

                                                        §6.2 PP-internal ψ-constructions are all unaccusative as well: path verbs, locative existentials, and two-arg experiential collocations project no vP layer (the Theme/co-argument may sit in VP but the ψ-subject possessor raises from inside a PP).

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                                                          For PP-internal ψ-subjects the extracted possessor is Psr-OP (possessor of object of preposition). The §6.2 cases differ from §5 in that the ψ-subject originates inside a PP rather than a PossP, but the grammatical function on the verb tracks the Theme not the extracted possessor. We do not assign a GramFunction here for the extracted Psr-OP because Psr-OP has no per-verb agreement slot in the Tseltalan paradigm.

                                                          Functional heads that carry [EPP:D] probes triggering A-movement. @cite{aissen-polian-2025} §4.2, §6, Table 4.

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                                                              def AissenPolian2025.HasIntervener (head : DProbeHead) (ct : ArgumentStructureClass) (thematicAppl : Bool) :

                                                              Does a clause type have an A-positioned DP that could intervene between a given probe and a lower possessor?

                                                              Derived from ArgumentStructureClass.HasVP for T° probes: if there is a vP layer, its specifier hosts an A-positioned DP (agent or S_A). For Appl° probes, intervention occurs when Spec,ApplP is filled by a thematic applied argument (goal, recipient, etc.).

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                                                                def AissenPolian2025.InterventionBlocks (head : DProbeHead) (ct : ArgumentStructureClass) (mode : ExtractionMode) (thematicAppl : Bool := false) :

                                                                Possessor stranding is blocked when an A-positioned DP intervenes between the [EPP:D] probe and the possessor. Pied-piping is unaffected: the whole DP moves to Spec,CP via wh-probe, bypassing A-positions entirely.

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                                                                  An intervention datum for Table 4.

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                                                                    def AissenPolian2025.instDecidableEqInterventionDatum.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : InterventionDatum) :
                                                                    Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                                                        A re-tabulation of @cite{aissen-polian-2025} Table 4 (p. 103) along a different axis. A&P's Table 4 has 10 rows indexed by (Probe, A-Intervener, Clause Type, Intended Goal) with a yes/no/yes-no Ā-movement? column; it covers Psr-S_O, Psr-O, and Psr-OP goals. Our table re-indexes by (Probe, Clause Type, Mode, ThematicAppl) and tracks blocked per extraction mode. Only the Probe × Clause Type × ThematicAppl rows that fall out of InterventionBlocks are captured here; the Psr-OP / locative-PP rows from A&P's Table 4 (rows for path verbs (75), locative existentials (77b/78), PP-island (67-69)) are not yet modelled because the file currently formalizes only PossP-internal possessors as goals. The ψPPConstruction enumeration above marks the §6.2 cases as a deferred extension target.

                                                                        ProbeClause TypeThematic ApplPied-pipingStranding
                                                                        unaccusativeokok
                                                                        transitiveokblocked
                                                                        unergativeokblocked
                                                                        Appl°(raising appl)nookok
                                                                        Appl°(thematic appl)yesokblocked
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                                                                          Table 4 is derivable: every cell matches InterventionBlocks.

                                                                          Pied-piping is never blocked by intervention (Ā-movement bypasses A-positions).

                                                                          For T° probes, stranding is blocked iff there is a vP layer.

                                                                          For Appl° probes, stranding is blocked iff Spec,ApplP is filled by a thematic applied argument.

                                                                          Specifier directionality (deferred) #

                                                                          @cite{aissen-polian-2025} §3.1, (10) parameterizes specifier direction per functional head: the Tseltalan default is leftside, but T°, Appl°, and possibly Poss° take rightside specifiers (yielding post-verbal ψ-subjects and external possessors). The previous version of this file defined inductive SpecDirection + tseltalanTSpec / tseltalanApplSpec inline, but these were unused and constituted Fragment-style typological data outside Fragments/. When a downstream consumer needs them, they should land in Fragments/Mayan/Tseltalan.lean (subgroup-shared) or in Core/Word.lean next to HeadDirection (the analogous head-vs- complement axis), not here.

                                                                          def AissenPolian2025.CanExtractPossessor (size : NominalSize) (head : DProbeHead) (ct : ArgumentStructureClass) (mode : ExtractionMode) (thematicAppl : Bool := false) :

                                                                          Combining extraction mode availability (§4) with intervention effects (§10): is possessor extraction ultimately possible for a given nominal size, clause type, and probe?

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                                                                            Table 2 of @cite{aissen-polian-2025} (p. 77): possessor extraction and grammatical function in Ch'ol and Tseltalan.

                                                                            ModePsr-S_OPsr-O
                                                                            Stranding*
                                                                            Pied-piping

                                                                            Derived: Psr-S_O is the possessor of the internal argument of an unaccusative clause (no vP → no intervener → stranding OK). Psr-O is the possessor of the internal argument of a transitive clause (vP layer → agent intervenes → stranding blocked).

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                                                                            Tseltalan is LOW-ABS: absolutive agreement follows the verb stem. @cite{aissen-polian-2025} p. 97 quotes @cite{aissen-1999a} and @cite{polian-2013} p. 272: "A's extract freely" — there are no syntactic ergativity effects in Tseltalan. The LOW-ABS / HIGH-ABS parameterization (whether Infl° or v° licenses absolutive case) is associated with a robust extraction-asymmetry generalization in the Mayan literature: HIGH-ABS languages exhibit syntactic ergativity (cf. @cite{coon-mateo-pedro-preminger-2014}); LOW-ABS languages do not. The shared Fragments.Mayan.Tseltalan.absPosition constant is the per-subgroup source of truth, definitionally equal to the Tsotsil and Tseltal per-language values.

                                                                            The intervention effects in Table 4 are NOT about Ā-movement being blocked by A-positioned DPs (as in HIGH-ABS/syntactically ergative languages). Rather, they are about A-movement (possessor raising) being blocked by a closer A-positioned DP, preventing the possessor from reaching an external position from which it could Ā-extract.

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                                                                              LOW-ABS languages have ABS=DEF (v° assigns case to transitive object), not ABS=NOM (Infl° assigns case).

                                                                              Attract Closest on Concrete Trees #

                                                                              The boolean functions dLayerShields, hasIntervener, and canExtractPossessor above capture the paper's predictions but stipulate them directly. Here we derive them from Attract Closest applied to concrete SyntacticObject trees (@cite{aissen-polian-2025} (9a-c)), using closestGoalB from Minimalist.Agree.

                                                                              Key derivation: T°'s [EPP:D] probe searches its c-command domain for the closest D-bearing element. The result depends only on tree geometry and which nodes carry D features:

                                                                              Tree configurationClosest D-bearerPossessor reachable?
                                                                              Unaccusative + PossPPsr✓ (stranding)
                                                                              Unaccusative + DP✗ (D-layer shields)
                                                                              Transitive + PossPAgent✗ (agent intervenes)
                                                                              Transitive + DPAgent✗ (double blocking)

                                                                              Leaf Nodes #

                                                                              Clause Trees (@cite{aissen-polian-2025} (9a-c)) #

                                                                              (9a) Unaccusative: [TP T° [VP V° OBJECT]] No vP layer — sole argument is complement of V.

                                                                              (9b) Transitive: [TP T° [vP Agent [v' v° [VP V° OBJECT]]]] Agent in Spec,vP — creates potential intervener.

                                                                              Object is PossP (non-specific) or DP (specific).

                                                                              Core Predictions #

                                                                              Each theorem shows that closestGoalB computes the correct result for T°'s [EPP:D] probe searching for the possessor.

                                                                              Unaccusative + PossP: possessor IS the closest D-bearer to T°. No D-layer, no agent → T°'s probe reaches possessor directly. This is why stranding is available.

                                                                              Unaccusative + DP: possessor is NOT the closest D-bearer. D° is closer to T° than the possessor inside Spec,PossP. This is D-layer shielding — stranding is blocked.

                                                                              Unaccusative + DP: D° IS the closest D-bearer to T°. The whole DP is what T°'s probe attracts — basis for pied-piping.

                                                                              Transitive + PossP: possessor is NOT the closest D-bearer. Agent in Spec,vP is closer — the agent intervenes. This is why stranding is blocked in transitives.

                                                                              Transitive + PossP: agent IS the closest D-bearer to T°. T°'s probe attracts the agent, not the possessor.

                                                                              Bridge Theorems #

                                                                              The tree-geometric derivation agrees with the boolean stipulations from §§3-4. Each conjunction pairs a tree prediction with the corresponding boolean function, showing they make identical claims.

                                                                              Selective Opacity as a Tree Constraint #

                                                                              Selective opacity (@cite{keine-2019}, @cite{aissen-polian-2025} (33)) states that N° is a horizon for wh-probes: C°'s [EPP:WH] probe cannot see elements c-commanded by N° (= inside the nominal's lexical projection). Here we derive this from behindHorizonB applied to concrete trees.

                                                                              The key geometric fact: in [PossP Psr N°], N° and Psr are sisters, so N° c-commands Psr. This makes Psr invisible to any probe for which N° is a horizon. But D° (sister of PossP, NOT c-commanded by N°) remains visible — which is why pied-piping works.

                                                                              Together with § 15 (Attract Closest), both pillars of A&P's analysis are now derived from tree geometry:

                                                                              Core Predictions #

                                                                              Psr is behind the N-horizon in the DP tree: C°'s wh-probe cannot subextract the possessor from inside the DP. N° (Psm) c-commands Psr (they are sisters in PossP), so Psr is in N°'s opaque domain.

                                                                              Psr is behind the N-horizon in the PossP tree: selective opacity applies regardless of nominal size. Even without a D layer, N° c-commands Psr.

                                                                              D° is NOT behind the N-horizon: N° (Psm) does not c-command D°. D° is a sister of PossP, not inside N°'s c-command domain. This is why pied-piping (whole DP movement to Spec,CP) is available: the wh-probe can see D° even though it cannot see inside PossP.

                                                                              The N-horizon is geometrically present even for D-probes — N° c-commands Psr regardless of probe type. The difference is that D-probes IGNORE the horizon (¬ SelectivelyOpaque .dProbe). This is the "selective" in selective opacity: the same tree geometry produces different results for different probe types.

                                                                              Bridge Theorems #

                                                                              Unified Derivation #

                                                                              Both pillars from tree geometry: D-layer shielding, agent intervention, selective opacity, and pied-piping availability all follow from Attract Closest + N-horizons on concrete trees.

                                                                              (a) D-layer shielding: D° closer to T° than Psr (closestGoalB) (b) Agent intervention: Agt closer to T° than Psr (closestGoalB) (c) Selective opacity: N° c-commands Psr (behindHorizonB) (d) Pied-piping: D° NOT c-commanded by N° (behindHorizonB)