Aissen & Polian 2025: Possessor Extraction and Categorical Subject in Tseltalan #
@cite{aissen-polian-2025}
Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 43:63--113.
Overview #
Tseltalan languages (Tsotsil, Tseltal) have two possessor extraction strategies — pied-piping and stranding — whose availability depends on nominal size (= specificity) and intervention by A-positioned DPs.
The analysis rests on two independent mechanisms:
Selective opacity (@cite{keine-2019}): N⁰ is a horizon for wh-probes on C° — Ā-subextraction from within ANY nominal is impossible, regardless of size. This forces all possessor extraction to proceed via external possession.
D-layer shielding (Attract Closest): in specific DPs, D° is closer to T°'s [EPP:D] probe than the possessor inside Spec,PossP. Non-specific nominals (PossP/nP) lack a D layer, so T°'s probe reaches the possessor.
Together these derive:
- Stranding: possessor A-moves out of non-specific nominal (D-probe sees through nominal, no D-layer shields), then Ā-moves from external position
- Pied-piping: whole DP moves to Spec,CP (DP is visible to wh-probe as a unit; subextraction from within is blocked by selective opacity)
- Why extracted possessors are ALWAYS external (claim (3) on p. 65): follows from selective opacity — not stipulated
Stranding is further constrained by intervention: an A-positioned DP (agent or S_A) between the possessor and T°'s [EPP:D] probe blocks possessor raising via Attract Closest.
ψ-Subject Constructions #
A&P identify a family of constructions in which a possessor is interpreted
as ψ-subject (categorical-judgment subject in Spec,TP, @cite{kuroda-1972}).
§5 focuses on three intransitive unaccusative cases:
predicative possession (§5.2), experiential collocations (§5.3), and
ordinary lexical unaccusatives (§5.4). §6.2 extends the analysis to
configurations where the ψ-subject possessor originates inside a PP:
path verbs (§6.2.1), locative existentials (§6.2.2), and two-argument
experiential collocations (§6.2.3). §7.1 further notes that even Psr-A
can serve as ψ-subject in broad-predicate expressions like x's fleas
landed on me. The ψConstruction enumeration below covers the §5
intransitive subset; §6.2 / §7.1 cases are noted but not enumerated.
Predecessor Accounts and Comparative Engagement #
A&P §4 contests @cite{little-2020a} / @cite{little-2020b}, the proximate Ch'ol analysis that derives possessor-extraction asymmetries from a Diesing-style specificity restriction combined with the Freezing Principle (Object Shift of specific objects → frozen for Ā-subextraction). A&P argue Little's account fails to extend to non-specific cases: Ā-subextraction is blocked from non-specifics as well, so a blanket nominal-opacity ban (selective opacity) is needed instead.
The escape-hatch view of @cite{gavruseva-2000} (Spec,DP as left-edge position parallel to Spec,CP) is the older predecessor view A&P reject: their analysis derives extraction without any DP-internal subextraction step. @cite{aissen-1996} is the earlier Tsotsil pied-piping analysis; @cite{aissen-1999a} establishes that Tseltalan A's extract freely (used in §6.2 to motivate why intervention is by A-position not Ā-extraction). @cite{coon-baier-levin-2021} on Mayan agent focus is contested in §6.1 (the file currently does not formalize this).
@cite{coon-henderson-2011} and @cite{aissen-1987} are the two competing
analyses of the Tseltalan possessive applicative (control vs raising);
A&P adopt the raising analysis, which the file's DProbeHead.appl slot
implicitly assumes.
@cite{heycock-doron-2003} on Hebrew broad subjects is A&P's primary cross-linguistic typological precedent for ψ-subjects (cited p. 86 fn 22 alongside Tz'utujil, Chickasaw, Sinitic double-unaccusative).
Integration Points #
NominalPosition/PossessionTypefromNominalStructure.leanSpecificityConditionfromCore/SpecificityCondition.leanJudgmentTypefromCore/Discourse/InformationStructure.leanGramFunction,absPositionfromFragments/Mayan/Tseltalan.leanABSPositionfromFragments/Mayan/Params.leanProbeProfile,closestGoalB,behindHorizonB,liftFMfromTheories/Syntax/Minimalist/{Agree, Basic}.lean
Nominal projections in Tseltalan, determining extractability. @cite{aissen-polian-2025} §3.2, (11)/(18): specific indefinites and definites project to DP; non-specific indefinites project only to nP (if non-possessive) or PossP (if possessive).
Derived from the nominal spine in NominalStructure.lean:
√ROOT < n < (Poss) < D.
- dp : NominalSize
- possP : NominalSize
- nP : NominalSize
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- AissenPolian2025.instDecidableEqNominalSize x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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The highest position projected in the nominal spine. For DPs, the highest position is D (which shields the possessor from external D-probes). For non-specific nominals, the highest position IS the possessor's specifier position, making the possessor directly accessible.
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Specific nominals project to DP; non-specific nominals do not. @cite{aissen-polian-2025} §3.2.
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Clause types in Tseltalan, classified by whether the verb projects an external argument (vP layer). This is a theoretical classification from Minimalist syntax, used here to derive intervention effects.
@cite{aissen-polian-2025} (9):
- Unaccusative: no vP layer (sole argument is complement of V)
- Transitive: vP layer with agent in Spec,vP
- Unergative: vP layer with agentive S in Spec,vP
- unaccusative : ArgumentStructureClass
- transitive : ArgumentStructureClass
- unergative : ArgumentStructureClass
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- AissenPolian2025.instDecidableEqArgumentStructureClass x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Whether a clause type projects a vP layer (= has an external argument position that could host an intervening DP). @cite{aissen-polian-2025} (9): transitives and unergatives have vP; unaccusatives do not.
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Unaccusatives lack a vP layer; transitives and unergatives have one. The positive directions are immediate from the def; this lemma names the negative direction for stranding-intervention proofs to consume.
Probe types that trigger movement in Tseltalan. @cite{aissen-polian-2025} §3.1, (10):
- [EPP:D] on T° and Appl°: triggers A-movement of a DP to the probe's specifier. T° and Appl° take rightside specifiers.
- [EPP:WH] on D° (secondary wh-movement) and C° (primary wh-movement): triggers Ā-movement of a wh-phrase.
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- AissenPolian2025.instDecidableEqProbeType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- AissenPolian2025.instReprProbeType = { reprPrec := AissenPolian2025.instReprProbeType.repr }
Selective opacity (@cite{keine-2019}, @cite{aissen-polian-2025} (33)): N⁰ is a horizon for wh-probes on C°. Elements inside the extended projection of N⁰ are invisible to wh-probes, blocking Ā-subextraction.
Crucially, this does NOT apply to D-probes: A-movement of a possessor DP out of a nominal is permitted. The opacity is selective — it depends on the probe type, not on nominal size.
[wh]_{C°} -|| N (A&P's (33))
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Ā-subextraction from within a nominal is impossible. Derived from
selective opacity: wh-probes cannot see into nominals, regardless of
nominal size. The proposition does not depend on NominalSize —
@cite{aissen-polian-2025} (33) is the universal nominal-opacity ban
A&P argue against the size-relative Diesing/Freezing predecessor of
@cite{little-2020a} / @cite{little-2020b}.
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- AissenPolian2025.instDecidableCanĀSubextract = id inferInstance
D-probes are A-probes in Keine's classification.
Wh-probes are Ā-probes in Keine's classification.
Selective opacity is consistent with Keine's transparency: wh-probes (Ā, no horizon) are transparent to all clause types including CP, while d-probes (A, horizon C) cannot search into CP or TP.
The selectivelyOpaque predicate captures a different facet —
opacity of nominals (N° as horizon), not opacity of clauses.
But both derive from the same underlying mechanism: probes
differ in their horizons.
D-layer shielding: in a specific nominal (DP), D° is closer to an external D-probe (T°'s [EPP:D]) than the possessor inside Spec,PossP or Spec,nP. Attract Closest causes the probe to find D° first, preventing it from reaching the possessor.
Non-specific nominals (PossP/nP) lack a D layer, so T°'s probe reaches the possessor directly.
This is independent of selective opacity: D-probes CAN see into nominals (selectivelyOpaque .dProbe = false), but D° intervenes when present.
Derived from IsSpecific: D-layer shielding ↔ specificity.
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- AissenPolian2025.DLayerShields size = size.IsSpecific
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- AissenPolian2025.instDecidablePredNominalSizeDLayerShields s = id inferInstance
Two possessor extraction strategies in Tseltalan. @cite{aissen-polian-2025} §3.
- piedPiping : ExtractionMode
Pied-piping: the entire nominal (including possessor) moves to Spec,CP. Requires D projection: only DPs can be targeted by a wh-probe as a unit.
- stranding : ExtractionMode
Stranding: the possessor first A-moves out of the nominal via T°'s or Appl°'s [EPP:D] probe, then Ā-moves from the external position. Requires the nominal to be transparent to D-probes (always true) AND no D-layer shielding (non-specific).
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- AissenPolian2025.instDecidableEqExtractionMode x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Whether a given extraction mode is available for a nominal of given size, ignoring clause-level intervention.
- Pied-piping: the whole DP moves via wh-probe → requires D projection (specific). Non-DPs cannot undergo wh-movement.
- Stranding: possessor A-moves out via D-probe → requires no D-layer shielding. D-probes see through nominals (selective opacity doesn't apply), but D° intervenes in specific DPs.
@cite{aissen-polian-2025} §3.2.
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Pied-piping requires specificity (D projection).
Stranding requires non-specificity (no D-layer shielding).
Every nominal size admits at least one extraction mode. Possessor extraction is never fully blocked — the available strategy depends on specificity.
Complementary distribution: pied-piping and stranding are
mutually exclusive — exactly one is available for each nominal size.
Specific nominals admit only pied-piping; non-specific nominals
admit only stranding. Both reduce to IsSpecific.
Possessor extraction in Tseltalan never involves Ā-subextraction. This follows from selective opacity: wh-probes cannot see into nominals, so the possessor cannot be extracted from within.
Since subextraction is impossible, extraction requires either: (a) moving the whole nominal (pied-piping) — possessor at clause level (b) first A-moving the possessor out (stranding) — possessor external
In both cases, the extracted possessor is external at the point of Ā-movement. This is A&P's claim (3): "An extracted possessor in Tseltalan is always an external possessor."
Map nominal size to possession type from NominalStructure.lean.
- nP-internal possessors (Spec,nP) → inalienable
- PossP-level possessors (Spec,PossP) → alienable
- DP subsumes both; the type depends on internal structure.
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For non-specific nominals, the highest projection IS the possessor's position, agreeing with PossessionType.possessorPosition from NominalStructure.lean. For DPs, the highest projection is D (the possessor is shielded below).
Convergence: both A&P's D-layer shielding and the Specificity Condition
(see Syntax.Binding.SpecificityCondition) predict that specific DPs resist
possessor extraction by stranding/binding into the DP.
Divergence: A&P predict pied-piping IS available for specific DPs (whole DP moves, no subextraction); the Specificity Condition blocks ALL operator binding into specific DPs. The two constraints operate at different levels — D-layer shielding targets A-movement (D-probes), the Specificity Condition targets operator-variable binding.
The grammatical function of a ψ-subject. ψ-subjects are always intransitive subjects — they raise from unaccusative clauses where the sole argument is S_O (patientive).
@cite{aissen-polian-2025} §5, Table 1: all ψ-subject constructions are structurally unaccusative, so the ψ-subject is always S_O.
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ψ-subject agreement is DERIVED from GramFunction.markerSet: ψ-subjects are S_O, and S_O maps to Set B (absolutive).
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ψ-subjects receive Set B (absolutive) agreement — derived from the fact that they are S_O, and S_O maps to Set B.
A ψ-subject must be specific (= project to DP) to raise to Spec,TP. @cite{aissen-polian-2025} §5.1, p. 85: "the subject of a clause which expresses a categorical judgment cannot be non-specific."
This connects the specificity system to the ψ-subject system: T°'s [EPP:D] probe searches for a DP. If the highest nominal in T°'s domain is non-specific (PossP/nP), it is not a DP, and T°'s probe passes over it. Only a specific DP satisfies the [EPP:D] requirement and raises to Spec,TP as ψ-subject.
Equations
- AissenPolian2025.CanBeψSubject size = size.IsSpecific
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- AissenPolian2025.instDecidablePredNominalSizeCanBeψSubject s = id inferInstance
The three intransitive-unaccusative ψ-subject constructions of
@cite{aissen-polian-2025} §5. Not exhaustive: §6.2 adds path
verbs, locative existentials, and two-argument experiential
collocations (where the ψ-subject possessor originates inside a
PP — see ψPPConstruction below); §7.1 admits Psr-A as ψ-subject
in broad-predicate expressions like x's fleas landed on me (not
enumerated here, as those are transitive). p. 91 fn 29 / p. 102
fn 34 also note transitive/causative versions of experiential
collocations where the possessor externalizes to Spec,ApplP rather
than Spec,TP — by definition not ψ-subject constructions.
- predicativePossession : ψConstruction
Predicative possession: 'X has Y' via existential construction (Tsotsil oy, Tseltal ay). ψ-subject = possessor of pivot. Structure (44): [TP T° [VP V° PossP]] — V° is the existential.
- experientialCollocation : ψConstruction
Experiential collocation (intransitive, §5.3): 'X is angry' (lit: 'x's head gets mixed up'). ψ-subject = experiencer-possessor. Structure (52): [TP T° [VP V° PossP]].
- lexicalUnaccusative : ψConstruction
Lexical unaccusative (§5.4): 'X's money was lost.' ψ-subject = possessor of theme (S_O), present only on the non-specific reading where PossP remains.
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- AissenPolian2025.instDecidableEqψConstruction x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Additional ψ-subject configurations from @cite{aissen-polian-2025}
§6.2 in which the ψ-subject possessor originates as the object of
an internal PP (Psr-OP) rather than as a possessor of the verb's
direct internal argument. The clauses are still unaccusative (no vP),
but the ψ-subject reaches Spec,TP via raising from inside a PP rather
than a PossP. These are ψ-subjects in the same sense as ψConstruction
above; they are kept in a separate enumeration only because the
geometry of extraction (PP-internal origin, locative co-argument)
differs from the simple V° + PossP cases of §5.
- pathVerb : ψPPConstruction
Path verb (§6.2.1): intransitive motion verb (V° + Theme + PP_loc), e.g. (75a) Mach'a och wakax [ta s-na]? 'Who had a cow enter his house?' — ψ-subject = possessor of locative PP, raised over non-specific Theme.
- locativeExistential : ψPPConstruction
Locative existential (§6.2.2): same predicative oy/ay as predicative possession but with PP rather than PossP, e.g. (77b) Much'u oy ixim [ta s-na]? 'Who has corn in his/her house?' — ψ-subject = possessor of locative PP, Theme is non-specific.
- twoArgExperiential : ψPPConstruction
Two-argument experiential collocation (§6.2.3): experiencer introduced in PP whose object is the experiential PossP, e.g. (81) Mach'u k'ux-at [ta y-o'tan]? 'Who loves you?' (lit. 'who are you painful in their heart?') — ψ-subject = possessor of PP-experiencer, can extract regardless of Theme specificity.
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- AissenPolian2025.instDecidableEqψPPConstruction x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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The clause type for every §5 ψ-construction is unaccusative
(@cite{aissen-polian-2025} p. 83 verbatim: "three unaccusative
constructions"). The function is constant over its domain — the
constraint is intrinsic to membership in ψConstruction.
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Whether pied-piping is possible for a given ψ-construction.
In predicative possession (§5.2, (48a/48b)) and experiential collocations (§5.3, (55a/55b)), the possessor and possessum do NOT form a constituent that can undergo wh-movement: the predicative element (oy/ay, or the verb) intervenes. Only stranding works.
In lexical unaccusatives (§5.4, (62a/62b)), the entire possessive phrase IS the internal argument and can be pied-piped.
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Every §5 ψ-construction is structurally unaccusative (true by
the type signature of clauseType).
Every §5 ψ-construction lacks a vP layer. Derived from
ψ_constructions_unaccusative and unaccusative_no_vP.
The ψ-subject grammatical function in every §5 construction is S_O (@cite{aissen-polian-2025} §5: in all three, the ψ-subject raises from an unaccusative-internal-argument position).
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Every §5 ψ-construction assigns S_O to its ψ-subject.
ψ-subject agreement in every §5 construction is Set B, derived from the S_O grammatical function via the shared Tseltalan paradigm.
§6.2 PP-internal ψ-subjects #
§6.2 PP-internal ψ-constructions are all unaccusative as well: path verbs, locative existentials, and two-arg experiential collocations project no vP layer (the Theme/co-argument may sit in VP but the ψ-subject possessor raises from inside a PP).
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For PP-internal ψ-subjects the extracted possessor is Psr-OP
(possessor of object of preposition). The §6.2 cases differ from §5
in that the ψ-subject originates inside a PP rather than a PossP,
but the grammatical function on the verb tracks the Theme not the
extracted possessor. We do not assign a GramFunction here for the
extracted Psr-OP because Psr-OP has no per-verb agreement slot in
the Tseltalan paradigm.
Functional heads that carry [EPP:D] probes triggering A-movement. @cite{aissen-polian-2025} §4.2, §6, Table 4.
- t : DProbeHead
- appl : DProbeHead
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- AissenPolian2025.instDecidableEqDProbeHead x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- AissenPolian2025.instReprDProbeHead = { reprPrec := AissenPolian2025.instReprDProbeHead.repr }
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Does a clause type have an A-positioned DP that could intervene between a given probe and a lower possessor?
Derived from ArgumentStructureClass.HasVP for T° probes: if there is a vP
layer, its specifier hosts an A-positioned DP (agent or S_A).
For Appl° probes, intervention occurs when Spec,ApplP is filled
by a thematic applied argument (goal, recipient, etc.).
Equations
- AissenPolian2025.HasIntervener AissenPolian2025.DProbeHead.t ct thematicAppl = ct.HasVP
- AissenPolian2025.HasIntervener AissenPolian2025.DProbeHead.appl ct thematicAppl = (thematicAppl = true)
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Possessor stranding is blocked when an A-positioned DP intervenes between the [EPP:D] probe and the possessor. Pied-piping is unaffected: the whole DP moves to Spec,CP via wh-probe, bypassing A-positions entirely.
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- AissenPolian2025.InterventionBlocks head ct AissenPolian2025.ExtractionMode.stranding thematicAppl = AissenPolian2025.HasIntervener head ct thematicAppl
- AissenPolian2025.InterventionBlocks head ct AissenPolian2025.ExtractionMode.piedPiping thematicAppl = False
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An intervention datum for Table 4.
- probe : DProbeHead
- clauseType : ArgumentStructureClass
- mode : ExtractionMode
- thematicAppl : Bool
Is Spec,ApplP filled by a thematic applied argument?
- blocked : Bool
Is extraction blocked?
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A re-tabulation of @cite{aissen-polian-2025} Table 4 (p. 103) along a
different axis. A&P's Table 4 has 10 rows indexed by (Probe, A-Intervener, Clause Type, Intended Goal) with a yes/no/yes-no Ā-movement? column;
it covers Psr-S_O, Psr-O, and Psr-OP goals. Our table re-indexes by
(Probe, Clause Type, Mode, ThematicAppl) and tracks blocked per
extraction mode. Only the Probe × Clause Type × ThematicAppl rows
that fall out of InterventionBlocks are captured here; the Psr-OP /
locative-PP rows from A&P's Table 4 (rows for path verbs (75), locative
existentials (77b/78), PP-island (67-69)) are not yet modelled because
the file currently formalizes only PossP-internal possessors as goals.
The ψPPConstruction enumeration above marks the §6.2 cases as a
deferred extension target.
| Probe | Clause Type | Thematic Appl | Pied-piping | Stranding |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| T° | unaccusative | — | ok | ok |
| T° | transitive | — | ok | blocked |
| T° | unergative | — | ok | blocked |
| Appl° | (raising appl) | no | ok | ok |
| Appl° | (thematic appl) | yes | ok | blocked |
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Table 4 is derivable: every cell matches InterventionBlocks.
Pied-piping is never blocked by intervention (Ā-movement bypasses A-positions).
For T° probes, stranding is blocked iff there is a vP layer.
For Appl° probes, stranding is blocked iff Spec,ApplP is filled by a thematic applied argument.
Specifier directionality (deferred) #
@cite{aissen-polian-2025} §3.1, (10) parameterizes specifier direction
per functional head: the Tseltalan default is leftside, but T°, Appl°,
and possibly Poss° take rightside specifiers (yielding post-verbal
ψ-subjects and external possessors). The previous version of this file
defined inductive SpecDirection + tseltalanTSpec / tseltalanApplSpec
inline, but these were unused and constituted Fragment-style typological
data outside Fragments/. When a downstream consumer needs them, they
should land in Fragments/Mayan/Tseltalan.lean (subgroup-shared) or
in Core/Word.lean next to HeadDirection (the analogous head-vs-
complement axis), not here.
Combining extraction mode availability (§4) with intervention effects (§10): is possessor extraction ultimately possible for a given nominal size, clause type, and probe?
Equations
- AissenPolian2025.CanExtractPossessor size head ct mode thematicAppl = (AissenPolian2025.ExtractionAvailable mode size ∧ ¬AissenPolian2025.InterventionBlocks head ct mode thematicAppl)
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- AissenPolian2025.instDecidableCanExtractPossessor x✝⁴ x✝³ x✝² x✝¹ x✝ = id inferInstance
In unaccusative clauses via T°, both modes are available.
In transitive clauses via T°, only pied-piping works.
Via Appl° raising applicative (no thematic arg), stranding works.
Via Appl° thematic applicative (Goal fills Spec,ApplP), blocked.
ψ-subject constructions (all unaccusative) permit both extraction modes via T°.
Table 2 of @cite{aissen-polian-2025} (p. 77): possessor extraction and grammatical function in Ch'ol and Tseltalan.
| Mode | Psr-S_O | Psr-O |
|---|---|---|
| Stranding | ✓ | * |
| Pied-piping | ✓ | ✓ |
Derived: Psr-S_O is the possessor of the internal argument of an unaccusative clause (no vP → no intervener → stranding OK). Psr-O is the possessor of the internal argument of a transitive clause (vP layer → agent intervenes → stranding blocked).
The stranding asymmetry between Psr-S_O and Psr-O reduces to whether the clause type has a vP layer.
Tseltalan is LOW-ABS: absolutive agreement follows the verb stem.
@cite{aissen-polian-2025} p. 97 quotes @cite{aissen-1999a} and
@cite{polian-2013} p. 272: "A's extract freely" — there are no
syntactic ergativity effects in Tseltalan. The LOW-ABS / HIGH-ABS
parameterization (whether Infl° or v° licenses absolutive case) is
associated with a robust extraction-asymmetry generalization in the
Mayan literature: HIGH-ABS languages exhibit syntactic ergativity
(cf. @cite{coon-mateo-pedro-preminger-2014}); LOW-ABS languages do
not. The shared Fragments.Mayan.Tseltalan.absPosition constant is
the per-subgroup source of truth, definitionally equal to the
Tsotsil and Tseltal per-language values.
The intervention effects in Table 4 are NOT about Ā-movement being blocked by A-positioned DPs (as in HIGH-ABS/syntactically ergative languages). Rather, they are about A-movement (possessor raising) being blocked by a closer A-positioned DP, preventing the possessor from reaching an external position from which it could Ā-extract.
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LOW-ABS languages have ABS=DEF (v° assigns case to transitive object), not ABS=NOM (Infl° assigns case).
Attract Closest on Concrete Trees #
The boolean functions dLayerShields, hasIntervener, and
canExtractPossessor above capture the paper's predictions but
stipulate them directly. Here we derive them from Attract
Closest applied to concrete SyntacticObject trees
(@cite{aissen-polian-2025} (9a-c)), using closestGoalB from
Minimalist.Agree.
Key derivation: T°'s [EPP:D] probe searches its c-command domain for the closest D-bearing element. The result depends only on tree geometry and which nodes carry D features:
| Tree configuration | Closest D-bearer | Possessor reachable? |
|---|---|---|
| Unaccusative + PossP | Psr | ✓ (stranding) |
| Unaccusative + DP | D° | ✗ (D-layer shields) |
| Transitive + PossP | Agent | ✗ (agent intervenes) |
| Transitive + DP | Agent | ✗ (double blocking) |
Leaf Nodes #
Clause Trees (@cite{aissen-polian-2025} (9a-c)) #
(9a) Unaccusative: [TP T° [VP V° OBJECT]]
No vP layer — sole argument is complement of V.
(9b) Transitive: [TP T° [vP Agent [v' v° [VP V° OBJECT]]]]
Agent in Spec,vP — creates potential intervener.
Object is PossP (non-specific) or DP (specific).
Core Predictions #
Each theorem shows that closestGoalB computes the correct
result for T°'s [EPP:D] probe searching for the possessor.
Unaccusative + PossP: possessor IS the closest D-bearer to T°. No D-layer, no agent → T°'s probe reaches possessor directly. This is why stranding is available.
Unaccusative + DP: possessor is NOT the closest D-bearer. D° is closer to T° than the possessor inside Spec,PossP. This is D-layer shielding — stranding is blocked.
Unaccusative + DP: D° IS the closest D-bearer to T°. The whole DP is what T°'s probe attracts — basis for pied-piping.
Transitive + PossP: possessor is NOT the closest D-bearer. Agent in Spec,vP is closer — the agent intervenes. This is why stranding is blocked in transitives.
Transitive + PossP: agent IS the closest D-bearer to T°. T°'s probe attracts the agent, not the possessor.
Transitive + DP: double blocking — both agent AND D° shield the possessor from T°'s probe.
Bridge Theorems #
The tree-geometric derivation agrees with the boolean stipulations from §§3-4. Each conjunction pairs a tree prediction with the corresponding boolean function, showing they make identical claims.
D-layer shielding: tree geometry matches DLayerShields .dp.
No D-layer for PossP: tree geometry matches DLayerShields .possP.
Agent intervention: tree geometry matches HasIntervener .t .transitive.
No intervention in unaccusative: tree geometry matches
HasIntervener .t .unaccusative.
Selective Opacity as a Tree Constraint #
Selective opacity (@cite{keine-2019}, @cite{aissen-polian-2025} (33))
states that N° is a horizon for wh-probes: C°'s [EPP:WH] probe
cannot see elements c-commanded by N° (= inside the nominal's
lexical projection). Here we derive this from behindHorizonB
applied to concrete trees.
The key geometric fact: in [PossP Psr N°], N° and Psr are sisters,
so N° c-commands Psr. This makes Psr invisible to any probe for
which N° is a horizon. But D° (sister of PossP, NOT c-commanded by
N°) remains visible — which is why pied-piping works.
Together with § 15 (Attract Closest), both pillars of A&P's analysis are now derived from tree geometry:
- D-layer shielding / intervention →
closestGoalB(§ 15) - Selective opacity →
behindHorizonB(§ 16)
Core Predictions #
Psr is behind the N-horizon in the DP tree: C°'s wh-probe cannot subextract the possessor from inside the DP. N° (Psm) c-commands Psr (they are sisters in PossP), so Psr is in N°'s opaque domain.
Psr is behind the N-horizon in the PossP tree: selective opacity applies regardless of nominal size. Even without a D layer, N° c-commands Psr.
D° is NOT behind the N-horizon: N° (Psm) does not c-command D°. D° is a sister of PossP, not inside N°'s c-command domain. This is why pied-piping (whole DP movement to Spec,CP) is available: the wh-probe can see D° even though it cannot see inside PossP.
The N-horizon is geometrically present even for D-probes — N°
c-commands Psr regardless of probe type. The difference is that
D-probes IGNORE the horizon (¬ SelectivelyOpaque .dProbe).
This is the "selective" in selective opacity: the same tree
geometry produces different results for different probe types.
Bridge Theorems #
Selective opacity from tree geometry: the N-horizon blocks
wh-subextraction of Psr from both DP and PossP nominals,
agreeing with CanĀSubextract (which is size-independent).
D° visible despite N-horizon: pied-piping is available because
D° is outside N°'s c-command domain. Agrees with
ExtractionAvailable .piedPiping .dp.
Unified Derivation #
Both pillars from tree geometry: D-layer shielding, agent intervention, selective opacity, and pied-piping availability all follow from Attract Closest + N-horizons on concrete trees.
(a) D-layer shielding: D° closer to T° than Psr (closestGoalB)
(b) Agent intervention: Agt closer to T° than Psr (closestGoalB)
(c) Selective opacity: N° c-commands Psr (behindHorizonB)
(d) Pied-piping: D° NOT c-commanded by N° (behindHorizonB)