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Linglib.Fragments.Mayan.Tseltalan

Shared Tseltalan Infrastructure #

@cite{aissen-polian-2025} @cite{polian-2013}

Descriptive types shared across the Tseltalan subgroup (Tsotsil, Tseltal). Both languages share agreement paradigm assignment and grammatical function classification. They differ in agreement exponents and Set B marker position (Tsotsil: prefixal/suffixal; Tseltal: consistently suffixal).

Agreement System (Table 1 of @cite{aissen-polian-2025}) #

FormFunctionTseltalTsotsil
Set AA, Psrprefixalprefixal
Set BS and Osuffixalprefixal/suffixal

Grammatical functions in Tseltalan, determining which agreement marker set cross-references each argument.

These are traditional Mayanist descriptive categories (footnote 9 of @cite{aissen-polian-2025}).

FunctionMarker Set
A (transitive subject)Set A
S_A (agentive intransitive subject)Set B
S_O (patientive intransitive subj)Set B
O (transitive/ditransitive object)Set B
G (applied argument)Set B
Possessor (genitive)Set A
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      Ergative-genitive homophony: Set A cross-references both transitive agents and possessors. A pan-Mayan pattern.

      Tseltalan absolutive morphemes appear in low (post-stem) position. Both Tsotsil and Tseltal share this LOW-ABS classification — see Fragments.Mayan.Tsotsil.absPosition and Fragments.Mayan.Tseltal.absPosition for the per-language definitions, which are definitionally equal to this subgroup-level constant. The LOW-ABS classification refers to the structural position of the licensing head, not the linear position of every Set B exponent (which varies by language and context). @cite{aissen-polian-2025} p. 97; @cite{polian-2013}.

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        Project the Tseltalan-specific Split-S grammatical function down to the canonical pan-linguistic ArgumentRole (S/A/P/R/T) used across linglib. The projection is partial (Option-valued):

        • .A → .A, .O → .P, .G → .R: verbal arguments map cleanly.
        • .S_A, .S_O → .S: agentivity distinction is collapsed (lossy but expected for cross-Mayan typology theorems that don't track Split-S granularity).
        • .psr → none: possessors are DP-internal, with no ArgumentRole analog. Cross-Mayan typology theorems quantify over verbal arguments only.

        Tseltal/Tsotsil consumers of cross-Mayan theorems use this projection to feed Tseltalan agreement data into the canonical inventory; the Aissen-Polian possessor-extraction analysis continues to use GramFunction directly for its DP-internal claims.

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