Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Modality.Studies.AghaJeretic2026

Modal Force and its Realization across Languages #

@cite{agha-jeretic-2026}

A handbook chapter surveying modal force phenomena:

Key Claims Formalized #

  1. Entailment asymmetry (§2.1): Strong necessity modals (must, have to) are mutually entailing (□₁φ ∧ ¬□₂φ is contradictory), but weak necessity modals (ought, should) are consistently weaker (□wφ ∧ ¬□φ is felicitous).

  2. Strength ordering: □φ → □wφ → ◇φ (strong necessity entails weak necessity entails possibility).

  3. Variable force typology (§3.2): Four patterns of polarity-sensitive variable force modals, distinguished by which readings are available in which environments.

  4. Exhaustification analysis (§3.2): Polarity-sensitive variable force modals are underlyingly ◇, with necessity readings derived via EXH.

Connection to @cite{agha-jeretic-2022} #

The paper's own prior work proposes that weak necessity modals are non-quantificational (plural predication over worlds), explaining neg-raising asymmetries between should and must.

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    Entailment tests from §2.1 #

    Strong necessity modals are mutually entailing: "must" ≈ "have to" ≈ "be required to". But weak necessity modals are strictly weaker: "should φ" does not entail "must φ".

    We verify this structurally via ModalForce.atLeastAsStrong.

    Strong necessity entails strong necessity (mutual entailment among "must", "have to", "be required to" — paper ex. 6-7).

    Strong necessity entails weak necessity ("must φ" → "ought φ" — paper's key asymmetry).

    Weak necessity does NOT entail strong necessity ("ought φ" ↛ "must φ" — paper ex. 8-9, 13).

    Verify that the English fragment correctly classifies modals by force, matching the paper's §2.1 categorization.

    The von Fintel & Iatridou (2008) analysis, surveyed in §2.2.1: weak necessity = ∀ over a refined best-world set. We verify the entailment chain via the proven theorems in Directive.lean.

    Re-export: strong necessity entails weak necessity (Directive.lean).

    Polarity-sensitive variable force modals #

    The paper identifies four patterns (table on p. 26) of how force varies across three environments: unembedded, clausemate negation, and other downward-entailing (DE) contexts.

    Key: ◇ = possibility available, □ = necessity available, □w = weak necessity.

    PatternLanguageModalUnembeddedCl. NegOther DE
    1Nez Perceo'qa◇,□
    2Sionaba'iji◇,□
    3Swedishfår◇,□◇,□
    4Kinandeanga◇,□w◇,□w

    All four patterns share: under clausemate negation, only ◇ is available.

    The three syntactic environments relevant for variable force.

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        A variable force pattern: which forces are available in each environment.

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            Pattern 1: Nez Perce o'qa (Deal 2011). Underlying ◇ modal, necessity via entailment in upward-entailing contexts. No scalar alternative → no "not have to" implicature → ◇ subsumes □.

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              Pattern 2: Ecuadorian Siona ba'iji (Jeretič 2021a,b). Underlying ◇, necessity via obligatory scaleless implicature (EXH). Unembedded: EXH obligatory → only □. Under negation: only ◇. Other DE: EXH optional → ◇ or □.

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                Pattern 3: Swedish får (Jeretič 2021a). Underlying ◇ with optional scalar/scaleless implicature. Both readings available unembedded. Under negation: only ◇.

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                  Pattern 4: Kinande anga (Newkirk 2022a,b). Underlying ◇, can reach □w but never full □ (blocked by paswa). The secondary ordering source yields weak, not strong, necessity.

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                    Universal generalization: under clausemate negation, all four variable force modals have only a possibility reading.

                    All four patterns have possibility available in every environment.

                    Four patterns, four languages.

                    EXH-based strengthening #

                    The paper formalizes the exhaustification analysis for Siona ba'iji: ⟦ba'iji_M p⟧ = ∃w ∈ M. p(w) — underlying possibility Alt(ba'iji_M p) = {∃w ∈ M'. p(w) | M' ⊆ M} — subdomain alternatives ⟦EXH ba'iji_M p⟧ ≡ ∀w ∈ M. p(w) — strengthened to necessity

                    We model this as: EXH over subdomain alternatives of ◇ yields □.

                    def AghaJeretic2026.exhStrengthens (domain : List Bool) :
                    Bool

                    Exhaustification of a possibility modal over subdomain alternatives yields necessity: negating all proper-subdomain existentials forces the prejacent to hold at every world in the domain.

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                      theorem AghaJeretic2026.exh_all_true :
                      exhStrengthens [true, true, true] = true

                      EXH strengthening works: if all worlds satisfy p, exhaustification of ◇ over subdomain alternatives yields □.

                      theorem AghaJeretic2026.exh_mixed_false :
                      exhStrengthens [true, false, true] = false

                      EXH fails when not all worlds satisfy p: ◇ holds but □ doesn't, so the exhaustified reading (= □) is false.

                      Empty domain: both ◇ and □ vacuously fail.

                      Non-quantificational analysis #

                      @cite{agha-jeretic-2022} observe that weak necessity modals are scopeless with respect to negation (like plural predication), while strong necessity modals (some of them) are neg-raisers:

                      Under higher-clause negation:

                      The weak necessity modal should never takes scope below negation, while the strong necessity modal must does (via neg-raising).

                      Neg-raising availability for a modal operator.

                      • modal : String
                      • clausemateNeg_wideScope : Bool
                      • higherNeg_narrowScope : Bool
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                                  Weak necessity modals do not neg-raise; some strong necessity modals do. This asymmetry motivates the non-quantificational analysis.