Voice and Extraction in Malayic #
@cite{erlewine-sommerlot-2025}
@cite{erlewine-sommerlot-2025} propose a new analysis of Malayic clausal morphosyntax that derives the interaction between voice morphology and nominal A'-extraction from cyclic linearization (@cite{fox-pesetsky-2005}).
Core claims #
The verbal domain involves two functional heads: Voice (higher, phase head) and v (lower, introduces external argument). The active prefix meN- reflects both: me- on Voice, N- on v.
VoiceP is a phase with exactly one nominal specifier. Only the subject — the nominal in Spec,VoiceP — can A'-extract from the basic clause types (active, di- passive, bare passive).
Object extraction involves the theme moving to Spec,VoiceP (the single nominal specifier) and then A'-moving to Spec,CP, while the agent stays low in Spec,vP. This is possible only when Voice is realized as a null allomorph.
meN-deletion derived: overt Voice (me-) in object extraction creates an ordering paradox at cyclic linearization. At VoiceP Spell-out, Voice precedes the agent; at CP Spell-out, the agent (having moved to Spec,TP or staying high) precedes Voice. The contradiction forces Voice to be null.
Cross-linguistic variation (Desa, SI/SM, polite/familiar Madurese) reduces to parametric differences in vocabulary items for Voice and v.
PIC mode #
@cite{erlewine-sommerlot-2025}'s analysis derives the meN-deletion
constraint from cyclic linearization alone, without invoking the
Phase Impenetrability Condition. This positions them at
PICStrength.linearizationBound (per Theories/Syntax/Minimalist/Phase.lean):
no opacity constraint per se, only ordering constraints from
SpelloutAndCheck. Same regime adopted by
@cite{sande-clem-dabkowski-2026} for Guébie discontinuous harmony,
@cite{branan-davis-2019} for agreement-edge unlocking, and others.
The structural diagnostic that the meN-deletion derivation is
ruled out is precisely not a PIC-violation but a Cyclic Linearization
contradiction — see men_deletion below.
Formalization strategy #
We model each derivation as a sequence of Spell-out domains, where each
domain is the left-to-right sequence of overt terminals. The cyclic
linearization machinery from Linearization/Cyclic.lean checks for
ordering contradictions. The key theorem is that object extraction with
overt Voice creates a contradiction, while null Voice does not.
Overt terminals at VoiceP Spell-out #
At VoiceP Spell-out, the phase is:
[VoiceP DP_spec Voice [vP (DP_agent) v+V (DP_theme)]]
The specifier of VoiceP is the nominal that has moved there to satisfy the single-specifier requirement. In active clauses, this is the agent; in passives, the theme; in object extraction, the theme.
We record the left-to-right sequence of overt terminals. Null heads (Voice = ∅, v_PASS = ∅) are omitted from the sequence.
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- Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.ErlewineSommerlot2025.voiceP_active = ["agent", "me-", "NV", "theme"]
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- Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.ErlewineSommerlot2025.voiceP_active_short = ["agent", "NV", "theme"]
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- Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.ErlewineSommerlot2025.voiceP_diPassive = ["theme", "di-", "V"]
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- Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.ErlewineSommerlot2025.voiceP_barePassive = ["theme", "agent", "V"]
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- Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.ErlewineSommerlot2025.voiceP_objExtr_null = ["theme", "agent", "NV"]
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- Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.ErlewineSommerlot2025.voiceP_objExtr_null_sism = ["theme", "agent", "V"]
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- Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.ErlewineSommerlot2025.voiceP_objExtr_overt = ["theme", "me-", "agent", "NV"]
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Overt terminals at CP Spell-out #
At CP Spell-out, material that has moved out of VoiceP is ordered relative to VoiceP-internal material and any new CP-level material (complementizer, auxiliaries). The key principle: moved material precedes VoiceP-internal material in the CP Spell-out domain.
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- Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.ErlewineSommerlot2025.cp_active = ["agent", "Aux", "me-", "NV", "theme"]
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- Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.ErlewineSommerlot2025.cp_active_short = ["agent", "Aux", "NV", "theme"]
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- Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.ErlewineSommerlot2025.cp_subjExtr = ["agent", "Aux", "me-", "NV", "theme"]
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- Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.ErlewineSommerlot2025.cp_diPassive = ["theme", "Aux", "di-", "V"]
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- Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.ErlewineSommerlot2025.cp_barePassive = ["theme", "Aux", "agent", "V"]
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- Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.ErlewineSommerlot2025.cp_objExtr_sism = ["theme", "agent", "Aux", "V"]
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- Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.ErlewineSommerlot2025.cp_objExtr_desa = ["theme", "agent", "NV"]
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- Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.ErlewineSommerlot2025.cp_objExtr_overt = ["theme", "agent", "Aux", "me-", "NV"]
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Grammatical derivations #
Each grammatical derivation produces consistent ordering across phases.
Active clause is consistently linearizable. @cite{erlewine-sommerlot-2025} (36).
Active clause with short N- prefix (Desa free variation).
Subject extraction from active is consistent. The subject (agent) was already leftmost in VoiceP and moves further left through Spec,TP to Spec,CP — classic edge movement (Scenario 1 of @cite{fox-pesetsky-2005}).
di- passive is consistently linearizable. @cite{erlewine-sommerlot-2025} (37a).
Bare passive is consistently linearizable. @cite{erlewine-sommerlot-2025} (37b)/(39c).
Object extraction with null Voice (Desa) is consistent. @cite{erlewine-sommerlot-2025} (44).
Object extraction with null Voice (SI/SM) is consistent. @cite{erlewine-sommerlot-2025} (54)–(56).
The ordering paradox: overt Voice in object extraction #
This is the paper's central formal result. When Voice is overt (me-), VoiceP Spell-out establishes me- < agent (Voice precedes agent in Spec,vP). But at CP Spell-out, the agent has moved past Voice, establishing agent < me-. The two are contradictory.
@cite{erlewine-sommerlot-2025} (57).
meN-deletion theorem: object extraction with overt Voice creates an ordering paradox.
VoiceP: [theme, me-, agent, NV] → me- < agent CP: [theme, agent, Aux, me-, NV] → agent < me-
These two statements contradict: me- < agent ∧ agent < me-.
The specific contradiction: VoiceP says me- before agent; CP says agent before me-.
Desa vs SI/SM: the N- contrast #
In Desa, the short nasal prefix N- (realization of v_ACT) survives in object extraction because it is on the lower head v, which is not implicated in the ordering paradox. In SI/SM, N- is lost because v_ACT only realizes as N- when Voice is linearly adjacent — and in object extraction, Voice is null (pruned), so the adjacency condition fails.
@cite{erlewine-sommerlot-2025} §2.3, (3) vs (22), (25).
Desa object extraction: verb bears short N- but not me-. Desa (3): Opai yang inya m-ewa' 'What did s/he bring?' m- = N- (v_ACT), no me- (Voice).
SI/SM object extraction: verb bears NO prefix at all. SI/SM (22): baju-baju yang Ali tidak basuh No meN-, no N-, bare stem basuh.
Polite vs familiar Madurese #
@cite{jeoung-2017} documents that polite Madurese has three voices (active, e- passive, bare passive) plus object extraction, while familiar Madurese has only two voices (active, e- passive). The contrast reduces to whether Voice has a null elsewhere allomorph.
@cite{erlewine-sommerlot-2025} §5.3, (76)–(83).
Polite Madurese allows object extraction (null Voice available).
Familiar Madurese blocks object extraction (no null Voice).
The register contrast is exactly the null-Voice parameter.
PP A'-movement #
@cite{erlewine-sommerlot-2025} correctly predict that nonnominal constituents (PPs) can A'-extract freely, regardless of voice, because VoiceP hosts nonnominal specifiers in addition to its one nominal specifier ((35b), (42)). PP extraction from active clauses retains meN- ((40a), (41a)).
We model this as: a PP in an additional specifier of VoiceP moves to Spec,CP. It is ordered before Voice at VoiceP Spell-out and remains before Voice at CP Spell-out — no contradiction regardless of whether Voice is overt.
Summary: for every basic clause type, the derivation with appropriate null/overt Voice assignments is consistently linearizable. Object extraction requires null Voice (derived, not stipulated).
Connecting Malayic Voice/v to Core VoiceHead #
@cite{erlewine-sommerlot-2025}'s two-head system (Voice + v) maps onto
Core's single VoiceHead type (@cite{kratzer-1996}, @cite{schaefer-2008}).
- v_ACT (introduces agent) → agentive Voice flavor
- v_PASS (no θ) → passive Voice flavor
- VoiceP is ALWAYS a phase in E&S's system, diverging from Core's
flavor-default tabulation in which passive Voice is non-phasal
(@cite{collins-2005}, @cite{chomsky-2001}). This divergence is captured
by the
malayic_passive_phase_divergestheorem below.
The phase divergence is theoretically significant: E&S need VoiceP to be
a phase in ALL clause types to trigger cyclic linearization at VoiceP
Spell-out, including in passives. Phase.lean's Transfer corresponds
to each Spell-out domain in Linearization/Cyclic.lean, but operates on
SyntacticObject rather than terminal strings.
Map Malayic v-flavor to Core VoiceFlavor. v_ACT introduces the external argument → agentive. v_PASS licenses EA without θ → passive.
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Map each Malayic clause type to its Core VoiceHead equivalent.
Active and object-extraction Voice are agentive (flavor-default phasal).
di-passive and bare passive use phaseOverride := some true to express
E&S 2025's claim that VoiceP is universally a phase, diverging from the
Core default for passive Voice (@cite{chomsky-2001}, @cite{collins-2005},
encoded in VoiceFlavor.defaultPhasal).
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
- Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.ErlewineSommerlot2025.clauseToVoiceHead Fragments.Malayic.VoiceSystem.VoiceConstruction.active = { flavor := Minimalist.VoiceFlavor.agentive, hasD := true }
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The VoiceFlavor component is consistent with the v-flavor mapping.
All Malayic clause types treat VoiceP as a phase head.
Phase divergence: Malayic passives are phases, but Core's default passive Voice (following @cite{collins-2005}) is not.
Active clause type maps to Core's agentive Voice, which IS a phase head — consistent across both analyses.