Toba Batak Extraction Restriction @cite{erlewine-2018} #
@cite{elkins-torrence-brown-2026}
Empirical data on the extraction restriction in Toba Batak (only the pivot can undergo Ā-movement) plus @cite{erlewine-2018}'s Minimalist analysis (predicate fronting + nominal licensing).
Key Empirical Findings #
- Pivot-only extraction: Only the pivot argument can be Ā-extracted.
- Voice determines pivot: Actor Voice → agent is pivot; Object Voice → patient is pivot.
- Voice symmetry: AV makes the agent extractable but not the patient; OV makes the patient extractable but not the agent.
- Long-distance extraction: The extracted element must be the pivot of the most deeply embedded clause.
The Analysis #
The extraction restriction follows from the interaction of probing and nominal licensing:
Predicate fronting: C bears
[PROBE:FOC], attracting the closest[+FOC]constituent — normally the vP — to Spec,CP, deriving V-initial word order. The subject/pivot is stranded in Spec,TP after vP fronts.Nominal licensing: T bears
[PROBE:D], which Case-licenses the subject DP in Spec,TP. If a non-subject DP were attracted to Spec,CP by[PROBE:FOC], it would end up in a position with no available Case licensor — the derivation crashes. Therefore only the pivot (already Case-licensed by T) can be Ā-extracted.Non-DP extraction is unrestricted: Since the restriction is about nominal licensing, non-DP constituents (adverbs, PPs) can freely front to Spec,CP regardless of voice.
The descriptive generalization: extraction of a DP argument is grammatical iff it is the pivot for the given voice.
Cross-Linguistic Context #
Toba Batak's extraction restriction contrasts with:
- Tagalog/Seediq: Philippine-style voice/Case determines extraction via agreement morphology — a voice-as-case system. @cite{erlewine-2018} argues TB is NOT this type.
- Mam (Mayan): Extraction is unrestricted, but oblique extraction triggers a dedicated morpheme as an Agree reflex on Voice⁰ (see @cite{elkins-torrence-brown-2026}).
Connection to Mam #
Both TB and Mam involve successive-cyclic movement leaving morphological
traces at clause boundaries. The shared abstraction is CyclicChain from
Position.lean:
- Mam: Each intermediate Voice⁰ Agrees [+oblique], spelling out as a dedicated morpheme. The chain entries correspond to feature-valuation events.
- TB: Each intermediate C⁰ shows extraction voice morphology, reflecting the passage of the wh-element through Spec,CP.
AV + agent (pivot): grammatical.
AV + patient (non-pivot): ungrammatical.
AV + oblique (non-pivot): ungrammatical.
OV + patient (pivot): grammatical.
OV + agent (non-pivot): ungrammatical.
OV + oblique (non-pivot): ungrammatical.
AV + adjunct: grammatical (adjuncts don't need Case).
OV + adjunct: grammatical (adjuncts don't need Case).
For DP arguments: extraction is grammatical iff the extracted element is the pivot for the given voice.
For non-DP adjuncts: extraction is always grammatical regardless of voice, because adjuncts don't need Case licensing.
Voice symmetry: AV and OV are mirror images — each makes exactly one argument extractable (the pivot) and blocks all others.
TB uses structural restriction, not dedicated morpheme or voice alternation in the Tagalog sense.
TB distinguishes extracted positions via voice (which role is pivot).
Connects three independent data sources through the AH bridge:
- Individual extraction datums (from @cite{erlewine-2018})
- The ExtractionProfile summary (markedPositions)
- RelClauseMarkers (from @cite{keenan-comrie-1977})
If any link is wrong — e.g., listing .directObject as extractable when
relativization markers don't cover DO — the chain breaks.
Note: the extraction data uses ArgumentRole (agent, patient) while the
ExtractionProfile and AH use ExtractionTarget (subject, directObject).
Voice promotion means the patient's default position is DO, but its
surface extraction position is always subject (the pivot).
Link 1→2: The ExtractionProfile's marked positions are exactly the
positions for which some voice makes a DP argument grammatically
extractable. Only .subject qualifies (the pivot position).
Link 2→3: Every extractable position (ExtractionTarget) maps to an AH position that is covered by some Toba Batak relativization marker.
Full chain (all three links as a single conjunction).
Predict whether extraction is grammatical from voice + extractee.
The nominal licensing analysis predicts:
- DP arguments: extraction is grammatical iff the DP is the pivot, because only the pivot is Case-licensed (by T's [PROBE:D] in Spec,TP) before Ā-extraction.
- Non-DP adjuncts: always grammatical, because adjuncts don't need Case licensing.
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- Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.Erlewine2018.predictExtraction voice Typology.Extractee.adjunct = Fragments.TobaBatak.ExtractionJudgment.grammatical
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AV + agent (pivot): Case-licensed in Spec,TP → extractable.
AV + patient (non-pivot): no Case licensor in Spec,CP.
AV + oblique (non-pivot): no Case licensor in Spec,CP.
OV + patient (pivot): Case-licensed in Spec,TP → extractable.
OV + agent (non-pivot): no Case licensor in Spec,CP.
OV + oblique (non-pivot): no Case licensor in Spec,CP.
AV + adjunct: no Case needed → freely extractable.
OV + adjunct: no Case needed → freely extractable.
The structural analysis correctly predicts every monoclausal datum.
For DP arguments, the prediction function agrees with extractsPivot.
For DP arguments, the prediction function IS the pivot check — they agree extensionally on the extraction data.
The nominal licensing analysis predicts non-DPs extract freely.
VP-raising (@cite{cole-hermon-2008}, Toba Batak) and predicate fronting (@cite{erlewine-2018}, Toba Batak) share the same core prediction: the predicate phrase moves above the subject, yielding V-initial surface order.
Both analyses predict:
- The predicate c-commands the subject at surface structure
- Only the subject (pivot) can subsequently Ā-extract
- Non-DP adjuncts extract freely (not subject to Case licensing)
The key parametric difference:
- @cite{cole-hermon-2008}: VP moves to Spec,TP; subject stranded in Spec,vP
- @cite{erlewine-2018}: vP moves to Spec,CP; subject stranded in Spec,TP
vP-to-Spec,CP analysis #
@cite{erlewine-2018}'s analysis differs structurally from @cite{cole-hermon-2008}:
- @cite{cole-hermon-2008}: VP → Spec,TP
- Erlewine: Subj → Spec,TP then vP → Spec,CP
Both derive the same VOS surface order, but the derived tree is structurally different: Erlewine's has an additional CP layer, and the fronted constituent is vP (containing a subject trace) rather than bare VP.
Little v (Erlewine's analysis, unique ID).
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T head (Erlewine's analysis, unique ID).
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C head bearing [PROBE:FOC] (Erlewine's analysis, unique ID).
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The vP after subject extraction: [vP tSubj [v' v [VP V Obj]]].
The trace marks where the subject DP originated before moving to Spec,TP.
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Erlewine's vP-to-Spec,CP derivation for Toba Batak VOS.
Steps (bottom-up):
- EM-R Obj →
[VP V Obj] - EM-L v →
[v' v VP] - EM-L Subj →
[vP Subj [v' v VP]] - EM-L T →
[TP T [vP Subj [v' v VP]]] - IM Subj →
[TP Subj [T' T [vP tSubj [v' v VP]]]] - EM-L C →
[CP C [TP Subj [T' T [vP tSubj [v' v VP]]]]] - IM vP →
[CP [vP tSubj v VP] [C' C [TP Subj [T' T tvP]]]]
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Erlewine's derivation yields VOS word order.
Both analyses agree on VOS surface order despite different structural heights.
Erlewine has TWO movements (Subj → Spec,TP + vP → Spec,CP) vs @cite{cole-hermon-2008}'s ONE (VP → Spec,TP).
Different derived structures despite the same word order.
Phase 1.0 sorry: .shape no longer typechecks; the count-based
weakening also collapses (both have the same count).
Fronted vP c-commands the subject in Erlewine's derived tree.
The fronted vP is in Spec,CP; its sister C' dominates the subject in Spec,TP. This yields the same binding prediction as @cite{cole-hermon-2008}'s VP-in-Spec,TP analysis: the predicate phrase c-commands the subject.
Same VP base in both analyses (stage after first merge).
Erlewine's vP-to-Spec,CP fronting as a RemnantFronting instance #
@cite{erlewine-2018}'s analysis is a genuine remnant fronting: the
subject DP first moves out of vP to Spec,TP (step 5 of
erlewineDerivation), and only then does the remnant vP — now
containing only the subject trace — front to Spec,CP (step 7).
This is structurally different from @cite{cole-hermon-2008}'s
analysis: there, the VP fronts with the subject still in vP-internal
position; under Erlewine's analysis, the subject has evacuated
before the larger constituent fronts. Erlewine's case fits
RemnantFronting more directly.
Erlewine's vP-to-Spec,CP fronting as a remnant-fronting witness.
The subject DP n_dakdanakan evacuates to Spec,TP before the vP
fronts to Spec,CP, leaving the trace mkTrace 0 behind.
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