Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.Erlewine2018

Toba Batak Extraction Restriction @cite{erlewine-2018} #

@cite{elkins-torrence-brown-2026}

Empirical data on the extraction restriction in Toba Batak (only the pivot can undergo Ā-movement) plus @cite{erlewine-2018}'s Minimalist analysis (predicate fronting + nominal licensing).

Key Empirical Findings #

  1. Pivot-only extraction: Only the pivot argument can be Ā-extracted.
  2. Voice determines pivot: Actor Voice → agent is pivot; Object Voice → patient is pivot.
  3. Voice symmetry: AV makes the agent extractable but not the patient; OV makes the patient extractable but not the agent.
  4. Long-distance extraction: The extracted element must be the pivot of the most deeply embedded clause.

The Analysis #

The extraction restriction follows from the interaction of probing and nominal licensing:

  1. Predicate fronting: C bears [PROBE:FOC], attracting the closest [+FOC] constituent — normally the vP — to Spec,CP, deriving V-initial word order. The subject/pivot is stranded in Spec,TP after vP fronts.

  2. Nominal licensing: T bears [PROBE:D], which Case-licenses the subject DP in Spec,TP. If a non-subject DP were attracted to Spec,CP by [PROBE:FOC], it would end up in a position with no available Case licensor — the derivation crashes. Therefore only the pivot (already Case-licensed by T) can be Ā-extracted.

  3. Non-DP extraction is unrestricted: Since the restriction is about nominal licensing, non-DP constituents (adverbs, PPs) can freely front to Spec,CP regardless of voice.

The descriptive generalization: extraction of a DP argument is grammatical iff it is the pivot for the given voice.

Cross-Linguistic Context #

Toba Batak's extraction restriction contrasts with:

Connection to Mam #

Both TB and Mam involve successive-cyclic movement leaving morphological traces at clause boundaries. The shared abstraction is CyclicChain from Position.lean:

For DP arguments: extraction is grammatical iff the extracted element is the pivot for the given voice.

For non-DP adjuncts: extraction is always grammatical regardless of voice, because adjuncts don't need Case licensing.

TB uses structural restriction, not dedicated morpheme or voice alternation in the Tagalog sense.

TB distinguishes extracted positions via voice (which role is pivot).

Connects three independent data sources through the AH bridge:

  1. Individual extraction datums (from @cite{erlewine-2018})
  2. The ExtractionProfile summary (markedPositions)
  3. RelClauseMarkers (from @cite{keenan-comrie-1977})

If any link is wrong — e.g., listing .directObject as extractable when relativization markers don't cover DO — the chain breaks.

Note: the extraction data uses ArgumentRole (agent, patient) while the ExtractionProfile and AH use ExtractionTarget (subject, directObject). Voice promotion means the patient's default position is DO, but its surface extraction position is always subject (the pivot).

Link 1→2: The ExtractionProfile's marked positions are exactly the positions for which some voice makes a DP argument grammatically extractable. Only .subject qualifies (the pivot position).

Link 2→3: Every extractable position (ExtractionTarget) maps to an AH position that is covered by some Toba Batak relativization marker.

Predict whether extraction is grammatical from voice + extractee.

The nominal licensing analysis predicts:

  • DP arguments: extraction is grammatical iff the DP is the pivot, because only the pivot is Case-licensed (by T's [PROBE:D] in Spec,TP) before Ā-extraction.
  • Non-DP adjuncts: always grammatical, because adjuncts don't need Case licensing.
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    VP-raising (@cite{cole-hermon-2008}, Toba Batak) and predicate fronting (@cite{erlewine-2018}, Toba Batak) share the same core prediction: the predicate phrase moves above the subject, yielding V-initial surface order.

    Both analyses predict:

    1. The predicate c-commands the subject at surface structure
    2. Only the subject (pivot) can subsequently Ā-extract
    3. Non-DP adjuncts extract freely (not subject to Case licensing)

    The key parametric difference:

    • @cite{cole-hermon-2008}: VP moves to Spec,TP; subject stranded in Spec,vP
    • @cite{erlewine-2018}: vP moves to Spec,CP; subject stranded in Spec,TP

    vP-to-Spec,CP analysis #

    @cite{erlewine-2018}'s analysis differs structurally from @cite{cole-hermon-2008}:

    Both derive the same VOS surface order, but the derived tree is structurally different: Erlewine's has an additional CP layer, and the fronted constituent is vP (containing a subject trace) rather than bare VP.

    The vP after subject extraction: [vP tSubj [v' v [VP V Obj]]].

    The trace marks where the subject DP originated before moving to Spec,TP.

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      Erlewine's vP-to-Spec,CP derivation for Toba Batak VOS.

      Steps (bottom-up):

      1. EM-R Obj → [VP V Obj]
      2. EM-L v → [v' v VP]
      3. EM-L Subj → [vP Subj [v' v VP]]
      4. EM-L T → [TP T [vP Subj [v' v VP]]]
      5. IM Subj → [TP Subj [T' T [vP tSubj [v' v VP]]]]
      6. EM-L C → [CP C [TP Subj [T' T [vP tSubj [v' v VP]]]]]
      7. IM vP → [CP [vP tSubj v VP] [C' C [TP Subj [T' T tvP]]]]
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      • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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        Erlewine's derivation yields VOS word order.

        Erlewine has TWO movements (Subj → Spec,TP + vP → Spec,CP) vs @cite{cole-hermon-2008}'s ONE (VP → Spec,TP).

        Different derived structures despite the same word order. Phase 1.0 sorry: .shape no longer typechecks; the count-based weakening also collapses (both have the same count).

        Fronted vP c-commands the subject in Erlewine's derived tree.

        The fronted vP is in Spec,CP; its sister C' dominates the subject in Spec,TP. This yields the same binding prediction as @cite{cole-hermon-2008}'s VP-in-Spec,TP analysis: the predicate phrase c-commands the subject.

        Erlewine's vP-to-Spec,CP fronting as a RemnantFronting instance #

        @cite{erlewine-2018}'s analysis is a genuine remnant fronting: the subject DP first moves out of vP to Spec,TP (step 5 of erlewineDerivation), and only then does the remnant vP — now containing only the subject trace — front to Spec,CP (step 7).

        This is structurally different from @cite{cole-hermon-2008}'s analysis: there, the VP fronts with the subject still in vP-internal position; under Erlewine's analysis, the subject has evacuated before the larger constituent fronts. Erlewine's case fits RemnantFronting more directly.

        Erlewine's vP-to-Spec,CP fronting as a remnant-fronting witness. The subject DP n_dakdanakan evacuates to Spec,TP before the vP fronts to Spec,CP, leaving the trace mkTrace 0 behind.

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