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Linglib.Phenomena.Control.Studies.Ostrove2026

Ostrove (2026): Obligatorily Overt PRO in San Martín Peras Mixtec #

@cite{ostrove-2026}

Linguistic Inquiry 57(1): 1–48.

San Martín Peras Mixtec (SMPM), an Oto-Manguean language (ISO: jmx), has obligatory control constructions where the controlled subject must be an overt clitic pronoun — null PRO is strongly ungrammatical. This is analyzed via the minimal pronoun framework (@cite{kratzer-2009}, @cite{safir-2014}, @cite{landau-2015}): SMPM simply lacks a null vocabulary item for controlled subject position. The elsewhere item (→ pronoun) applies.

Core Contributions #

  1. Three-way clause typology: finite embedded, tensed subjunctive, untensed subjunctive — distinguished by TAM, noncoreferential subjects, and restructuring (26)
  2. OC with overt pronouns: untensed subjunctives show the full OC signature despite having an overt clitic pronoun, not null PRO
  3. Against movement, for base-generation: exempt anaphor distribution shows the controlled pronoun is base-generated (§6)
  4. Morphological analysis: overt PRO derived by lacking a null vocabulary item; cross-linguistic syncretism typology (92)
  5. Copy control typology: four types of copy control distinguished cross-linguistically (§5)
  6. Implicational universal: overt PRO → non-pro-drop (54)

Landau (2004) Bridge #

SMPM's subjunctive types map onto @cite{landau-2004}'s finiteness scale, connecting clause-level tense properties to control. The paper explicitly discusses this connection (p.8), following Landau's distinction between "C-subjunctives" (untensed, OC) and "F-subjunctives" (tensed, non-OC).

Wurmbrand (2014) Partial Bridge #

@cite{wurmbrand-2014}'s three-way classification of infinitival tense (futureIrrealis, restructuring, propositional) maps partially to SMPM's subjunctive types. The mapping applies only to subjunctives — SMPM's finite embedded clauses are genuinely finite and fall outside Wurmbrand's infinitival classification.

Wurmbrand classSMPM clause typeOC?
futureIrrealistensed subjunctiveNo
restructuringuntensed subjunctiveYes
(not applicable)finite embeddedNo

OC signature for each SMPM clause type.

Untensed subjunctives show the full OC signature (§4):

  • Sloppy-only under VPE (33)
  • Exhaustive binding — no partial control (37)
  • Local c-commanding antecedent required (40, 44)

Tensed subjunctives and finite embedded clauses show none of these properties: they allow strict readings under VPE (30, 32), nonexhaustive binding (tensed subj., fn. 16), and non-local antecedents (43, 45).

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    SMPM's two subjunctive types correspond to @cite{wurmbrand-2014}'s infinitival tense classes. The mapping applies only to subjunctives — SMPM's finite embedded clauses are genuinely finite and fall outside Wurmbrand's infinitival classification.

    • futureIrrealis ↔ tensed subjunctive: future-oriented, non-OC
    • restructuring ↔ untensed subjunctive: dependent tense, OC

    Note: Wurmbrand's propositional class (ECM/attitude infinitives like "believe Julia to be smart") has no SMPM correspondent. SMPM's finite embedded clauses have full TAM morphology and freely noncoreferential subjects — they are not infinitival.

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      Propositional infinitives have no SMPM correspondent — SMPM finite embedded clauses are genuinely finite, not infinitival.

      SMPM Agr status for each Landau clause class.

      • C-subjunctive (untensed): [−Agr] — no independent subject agreement
      • F-subjunctive (tensed): [+Agr] — allows noncoreferential subjects, which indicates independent agreement capability
      • Finite: [+Agr] — full agreement

      Under the TTC's OC-NC generalization ((70) in @cite{landau-2015}), [+Agr] blocks logophoric control. This is why SMPM tensed subjunctives (F-subjunctives with [+Agr]) show no OC despite structurally permitting logophoric control.

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        The Landau classification predicts control properties for all three SMPM clause types, taking Agr status into account.

        • C-subjunctive [−Agr]: predicative OC (Agr-independent) → OC ✓
        • F-subjunctive [+Agr]: logophoric OC blocked by Agr → no OC ✓
        • Finite [+Agr]: no control tier → no OC ✓

        English vocabulary items (94a–c).

        Three items: null for controlled, reflexive for locally bound, pronoun elsewhere. English distinguishes all three non-free BVA contexts morphologically.

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          Haitian vocabulary items (96a–b).

          Two items: null for controlled, pronoun elsewhere. Crucially LACKS a reflexive allomorph — reflexives and bound variables are both realized as pronouns (@cite{dechaine-manfredi-1994}).

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            SMPM vocabulary items (98a–b).

            Two items: reflexive for locally bound, pronoun elsewhere. Crucially LACKS a null allomorph — controlled subjects and bound variables are both realized as overt clitic pronouns (=rà, =ñá, etc.).

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              Quiegolani Zapotec: no context-specific items at all (@cite{black-1994}).

              Everything — reflexives, controlled subjects, bound variables — surfaces as a single pronoun form (men). Total syncretism.

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                Büli vocabulary items (inferred from @cite{sulemana-2021}).

                Like SMPM and Gã: lacks a null allomorph for controlled subjects. Overt PRO in nonfinite complementation.

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                  English: controlled subjects are null (= silent PRO).

                  SMPM: controlled subjects are overt pronouns (= overt PRO). This is the paper's central empirical observation.

                  SMPM instantiates obligatory pronominal copy control: the controlled subject is always an overt clitic pronoun showing the full OC signature. This distinguishes SMPM from:

                  • Full copy control (San Lucas Quievaní Zapotec): full DP copy
                  • Logophoric pronominal (Gengbe, Mandarin): attitude reports only
                  • Scope-sensitive pronominal (Italian, Hungarian): focus-triggered
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                    Controlled subjects in SMPM cannot bear focus — they must be clitic pronouns, and clitics cannot bear focus (65, 67). This distinguishes SMPM from scope-sensitive pronominal copy control.

                    The clitic requirement is derived from the fragment.

                    SMPM exempt anaphor profile, derived from fragment data.

                    Exempt anaphors (reflexive forms used as possessors, outside Condition A domain) ARE available in SMPM (74) but CANNOT have quantified antecedents (75, 78).

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                      The argument against movement (§6, pp.26–31):

                      Given: exempt anaphors cannot have quantified antecedents (78).

                      Movement analysis predicts: if the controller is quantified (e.g., "every dog"), the copy in embedded subject position IS the quantifier. An exempt anaphor in the embedded clause would need to be bound by this quantified copy → predicted UNAVAILABLE.

                      Base-generation analysis predicts: the pronoun in embedded subject position is a genuine pronoun (base-generated), not a copy of the quantifier. An exempt anaphor can take this pronoun as antecedent → predicted AVAILABLE.

                      SMPM data (86–87): exempt anaphors ARE available in untensed subjunctives with quantified controllers.

                      • Tá'iin'iin tsǐnà kìxà [tsìi =rí ndò'ò mí =rí]. 'Each dog started to bite its own tail.'
                      • Kò xíniñu'u ni'iin =rà bálí [kòni =rà táta mí =rà]. 'No boy needs to see his own father.'

                      This matches the base-generation prediction.

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                        SMPM profile derived from fragment data and inventory.

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                          SMPM clause types map to @cite{noonan-2007}'s complement typology.

                          • Finite embedded → indicative complement (unrestricted TAM)
                          • Tensed subjunctive → subjunctive complement (irrealis only)
                          • Untensed subjunctive → subjunctive complement (irrealis, with equi-deletion / obligatory coreference)

                          All three are "balanced" in Noonan's terms — SMPM lacks morphologically nonfinite predicates entirely.

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                            SMPM's CTP classes map to Noonan's CTP classes.

                            The paper's predicate lists (27a–c) align with Noonan's semantic classification:

                            Finite embedded (27a):

                            • utterance: say (kà'àn), said (káchi), chat (ntatǔ'un)
                            • propAttitude: think (ka'án), believe (nakanini)
                            • commentative: be happy (kusijǐ ini), be sad (ntsi'i ini), regret (ntsiko ini)
                            • knowledge: know (kòni), wonder (kuntàà ini)

                            Tensed subjunctive (27b):

                            • desiderative: want (kòni), hope (ntatu), pray (nakwatu), agree (xiinka), refuse (xǐunka). 'Hate' (sǐso ini), 'be afraid' (iyì'bí), 'be scared' (kuntasí) are emotive predicates but select irrealis complements in SMPM, functioning like desideratives. 'Get the idea' (chikàà ini) is cognitive.

                            Untensed subjunctive (27c):

                            • phasal: start (kìxà), finish (ntsi'i), stop (xikwīn), continue (kò xikwīn)
                            • achievement: try (ntùkú), remember (nàkú'ún), forget (nantōso)
                            • modal: need (xiniñu'u)
                            • desiderative: like to (kutō)
                            • knowledge: know how to (kòni xá kasa), learn how to (sakwā'a)
                            • negative: not bother (kò ntaa)
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                              Noonan's reality status predicts SMPM clause type selection.

                              Irrealis CTPs select subjunctive complements (tensed or untensed); realis CTPs select indicative (finite embedded) complements.

                              This holds for the core cases: desiderative (want, hope) is irrealis and selects tensed subjunctive; phasal (start, stop) is realis but selects untensed subjunctive — an apparent exception that reflects the restructuring/monoclausal nature of phasal predicates.