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Linglib.Fragments.Mixtec.SMPM.Basic

San Martín Peras Mixtec (SMPM) Fragment #

[Ost26]

Language data for San Martín Peras Mixtec (ISO: jmx), an Oto-Manguean language spoken by about 12,000 people in Oaxaca, Mexico. SMPM is predicate-initial (VSO) and non-pro-drop: all clauses require overt subjects and all transitive clauses require overt objects.

Coverage #

SMPM's three morpho-aspectual categories.

All clauses must be marked with one of these. SMPM lacks morphologically nonfinite predicates — the completive/continuous/ irrealis distinction is the only TAM system. Aspect is primarily tonal: completive by low tone or prefix nì-, continuous by high tone, irrealis by mid/unmarked tone or stem changes.

  • comp : Aspect

    Completive (COMP): low tone on first vowel, or prefix nì-

  • cont : Aspect

    Continuous (CONT): high tone on first vowel

  • irr : Aspect

    Irrealis (IRR): mid/unmarked tone or stem changes

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    def Mixtec.SMPM.instReprAspect.repr :
    AspectStd.Format
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      Grammatical genders for nonlocal (3rd person) pronouns ((5)).

      SMPM distinguishes six genders in the singular and two in the plural. There is no number distinction for most nonlocal pronouns: e.g., =rà 'he, they (all-male group)'.

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        def Mixtec.SMPM.instReprGender.repr :
        GenderStd.Format
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          Map SMPM gender to the shared surface-level gender type. Only fem/masc map directly; the remaining four genders (neutral, liquid, wooden, animal) are language-specific noun class distinctions without cross-linguistic surface equivalents.

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            Clitic series ((4), (61)) #

            SMPM distinguishes clitic and non-clitic pronouns ([CS99a], cited at [Ost26] (63)): clitics cannot be coordinated (63a), cannot occur on their own (63b), may have impersonal readings (63c), and cannot bear focus ((65), with íntàà 'only'; speaker comment at (66)). Each entry declares the C&S class on the shared Pronoun.strength field.

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                      Surface form of the nonlocal (3rd person) clitic for each gender ((5); the neutral has a prevocalic allomorph =(y)à).

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                        Nonlocal (3rd person) clitic by gender ((5)). number := none: most nonlocal pronouns make no number distinction (=rà 'he, they (all-male group)'); the API gender is derived via Gender.toGender.

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                          =nà — nonlocal plural, neutral ((5)).

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                            =ná — nonlocal plural, feminine ((5)).

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                              Non-clitic series ((4), (62)) #

                              Focusable and coordinable ((64)–(66)) — the C&S .strong class. (62) has a gap: 1PL.INCL and the nonlocal persons lack dedicated non-clitic forms; 'strengthening' strategies fill the gap phrasally — clitic + demonstrative (yé yo'o 'we (INCL) here', =ra kan 'he there' in (65b)) or the definite article (mí =rà 'himself', also the reflexive, §7 below; cf. McCloskey & Hale 1984 on Irish). Being phrasal, they are not lexical entries here.

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                                      Series structure #

                                      The clitic series ((4), (5), (61)).

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                                        The local-person clitic/non-clitic pairs ((61)–(62)); none marks the (62) gap (1PL.INCL, filled only by phrasal strengthening).

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                                          Both series are strength-homogeneous — the per-series C&S facts, now per-entry data on the shared field.

                                          theorem Mixtec.SMPM.pairs_share_phi (pr : PersonalPronoun × Option PersonalPronoun) :
                                          pr localPairsspr.2, pr.1.person = s.person pr.1.number = s.number

                                          Paired variants share their φ-features — the two series differ in deficiency class, not in person/number/clusivity content.

                                          theorem Mixtec.SMPM.pairs_deficiency_contrast (pr : PersonalPronoun × Option PersonalPronoun) :
                                          pr localPairsspr.2, apr.1.strength, bs.strength, a < b

                                          Within each pair, the clitic is strictly more deficient — derived from the shared deficiency order, not stipulated.

                                          The Cardinaletti–Starke class required of a controlled subject in an untensed subjunctive: the clitic (most deficient). Non-clitic forms — including strengthened mí =rà — are sharply ungrammatical there ((67)).

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                                            SMPM's ban on non-clitic controlled subjects ((67)) realizes the Cardinaletti–Starke prediction: the required class sits strictly below every non-clitic entry's declared class in the deficiency order.

                                            SMPM's three embedded clause types, distinguished by three binary features (table 26).

                                            SMPM lacks morphologically nonfinite predicates: all clauses are marked with one of the three aspects. The "tensed" vs "untensed" subjunctive distinction is diagnosed by independent temporal adverbs and noncoreferential subject availability, not by overt tense morphology.

                                            • finiteEmbedded : EmbeddedClauseType

                                              Finite embedded clause: unrestricted TAM, free subject reference, no restructuring. Selected by: ka'án 'think', nakanini 'believe', kà'àn 'say', káchi 'said', kusijǐ ini 'be happy', etc.

                                            • tensedSubjunctive : EmbeddedClauseType

                                              Tensed subjunctive: restricted TAM (irrealis only), free subject reference, no restructuring. Allows for disjoint reference. Selected by: kòni 'want', sǐso ini 'hate', ntatu 'hope', etc.

                                            • untensedSubjunctive : EmbeddedClauseType

                                              Untensed subjunctive: restricted TAM (irrealis only), obligatory coreference, mandatory restructuring. Subject must be overt clitic pronoun. Selected by: ntùkú 'try', nàkú'ún 'remember', kìxà 'start', sakwā'a 'learn', etc.

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                                                Properties distinguishing the three clause types (table 26).

                                                • unrestrictedTAM : Bool

                                                  Unrestricted TAM morphology (all three aspects available)

                                                • noncoreferentialSubject : Bool

                                                  Noncoreferential embedded subject allowed

                                                • restructuring : Bool

                                                  Shows restructuring effects (quantifier fronting targets matrix)

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                                                  def Mixtec.SMPM.instDecidableEqClauseProperties.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : ClauseProperties) :
                                                  Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                                        A complement-taking predicate in SMPM.

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                                                          def Mixtec.SMPM.instReprCTP.repr :
                                                          CTPStd.Format
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                                                            def Mixtec.SMPM.instDecidableEqCTP.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : CTP) :
                                                            Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                                                                                                            SMPM is non-pro-drop: all clauses require overt subjects (3).

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                                                                                                                              SMPM is predicate-initial: VSO for verbal, copula-initial for nominal/adjectival predicates (2a–c).

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                                                                                                                                SMPM reflexive anaphors are formed with the definite article plus a clitic pronoun (71). Only locally bound — without , only a noncoreferential interpretation is available (72).

                                                                                                                                Examples:

                                                                                                                                • Xini Juân mí =rà ini yùtátá. 'Juan saw himself in the mirror.'
                                                                                                                                • Saá kâ'àn María xa'ǎ mí =ñá. 'María always talks about herself.'
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                                                                                                                                  Quantified nominals can locally bind reflexive anaphors (73).

                                                                                                                                  • Tá'iin'iin =nà bálí xìni mí =nà ini yùtátá. 'Every child saw themselves in the mirror.'
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                                                                                                                                    Exempt anaphors (reflexive forms used outside canonical binding domain) CANNOT have quantified antecedents (75, 78).

                                                                                                                                    • *Tá'iin'iin tsǐnà tsìi ndò'ò mí =rí. 'Each dog bit its own tail.'
                                                                                                                                    • *Ni'iin =ná bálí ní- xìni táta mí =ná. 'No girl saw her own father.'
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                                                                                                                                      Exempt anaphors occur as possessors (74) but are restricted: they cannot have quantified antecedents.

                                                                                                                                      • Tsìi tsǐnà ndò'ò {=rí, mí =rí}. 'The dog bit {its, its own} tail.'
                                                                                                                                      • Xìni María táta {=ñá, mí =ñá}. 'María saw {her, her own} father.'
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                                                                                                                                        is a morpheme used in tensed subjunctives to force disjoint reference when the embedded subject does not match the matrix subject in φ-features (18b–d). It is optional with nonpronominal subjects (18d). does NOT occur with untensed subjunctives (19).

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                                                                                                                                          Clitic left-dislocation in SMPM is NOT island-sensitive (80–82): it is available out of adjunct islands and wh-islands. This argues against a movement analysis of left-dislocation.

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