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Linglib.Phenomena.Case.Studies.Ozaki2026

@cite{ozaki-2026} — Japanese Accusative/Ablative Alternation: Data #

@cite{ozaki-2026}

Empirical data from @cite{ozaki-2026} on Japanese departure verbs that alternate between accusative -o and ablative kara marking on the source argument.

Key Empirical Facts #

  1. Alternation: Departure verbs like hanareru 'leave' and deru 'exit' allow both ACC and ABL on the source:

    • "Taro-ga mura-o hanare-ta" (ACC)
    • "Taro-ga mura-kara hanare-ta" (ABL)
  2. Argumenthood of source: The source behaves as an argument regardless of case — it can undergo VP ellipsis and long-distance scrambling.

  3. Unaccusativity: These verbs are unaccusative:

    • Only indirect passive (-rare), no direct passive (-niyotte)
    • Nani-o wh-adjunct test patterns with unaccusatives

Theory-Neutral #

This file contains no theoretical commitments. See Bridge.lean for connection to dependent case theory and Minimalist syntax.

Case marking on the source argument of alternation verbs is recorded as a Fragments.Japanese.Case.CaseMarker (the authoritative case-marker registry per @cite{tsujimura-2014}), not as a parallel local enum.

Diagnostics for argumenthood (vs. adjuncthood).

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      Diagnostics for unaccusativity.

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          A single case alternation datum: a verb form with a source argument in a particular case, plus grammaticality.

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            An unaccusativity diagnostic datum.

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                  An argumenthood diagnostic datum.

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                    hanareru 'leave' — ACC/ABL alternation (ex. 1) #

                    "Taro-ga mura-{o/kara} hanare-ta." (Taro-NOM village-{ACC/from} leave-PAST)

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                        deru 'exit' — ACC/ABL alternation (implicit in ex. 9) #

                        The paper uses deru with "eki" (station) in the ellipsis diagnostic (ex. 9). The basic alternation is implicit: "Taro-ga eki-{o/kara} deta."

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                              VP ellipsis — source elides as argument (ex. 9–10) #

                              @cite{funakoshi-2016}'s generalization: adjuncts can only be elided if no other VP-internal elements are present. The source of deru elides even with an overt adverb suguni 'quickly', confirming argumenthood. The continuation (10) is non-contradictory, showing the elided reading is available.

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                                  Long-distance scrambling — source scrambles freely (ex. 13) #

                                  @cite{saito-1985}: arguments can undergo long-distance scrambling, adjuncts cannot. The source of hanareru scrambles out of the embedded clause, confirming argumenthood regardless of case marking.

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                                        Passive — only indirect passive available (ex. 14, 20) #

                                        Japanese has two passives: indirect (-rare-, adversative, available to all verbs including unaccusatives) and direct (-niyotte, requires thematic Voice). If alternation verbs had thematic Voice, direct passive should be possible — but it is not (ex. 20).

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                                            nani-o wh-adjunct — blocked with unaccusatives (ex. 26) #

                                            @cite{kurafuji-1997}: nani-o 'what-ACC' can mean 'why' with unergatives and transitives, but not with unaccusatives. Alternation verbs block this reading, patterning with unaccusatives.

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                                                Both ACC and ABL variants are grammatical for alternation verbs.

                                                All argumenthood diagnostics succeed regardless of case marking.

                                                Direct passive is ungrammatical (hallmark of unaccusativity).

                                                Indirect passive is grammatical (expected for unaccusatives).

                                                Nani-o is blocked — patterns with unaccusatives, not transitives.

                                                Four alternation data points total.

                                                Four argumenthood data points total.

                                                Three unaccusativity data points total.

                                                Provenance: source markers come from the Fragment #

                                                These four rfl theorems tie each alternation datum's sourceMarker to the corresponding Fragments.Japanese.Case entry — the dissolution of this file's prior local CaseMarking enum (which re-stipulated four particles already present in Fragments.Japanese.Case) is now mechanically auditable: editing the Fragment's o or kara definitions will cascade through these provenance theorems.

                                                The case-marker pair on each alternation datum is exactly Tsujimura's case-particle / postposition contrast: -o is omissible (case particle), -kara is not (postposition). The alternation thus crosses Tsujimura's morphosyntactic split — a Marantz/Baker dependent-case pivot (.dependent for ACC vs. .lexical for ABL, proved in §Bridge below) coincides with a Tsujimura case-particle / postposition pivot.

                                                Departure verbs predict no external argument: non-thematic Voice does not assign a θ-role (@cite{kratzer-1996}, @cite{schaefer-2025}).

                                                ACC variant produces dependent ACC on source, unmarked NOM on leaver.

                                                Non-passivizability aligns with direct passive being ungrammatical.

                                                All argumenthood diagnostics succeed.

                                                Hanareru's unaccusativity is DERIVED from its voice type, not stipulated. derivedUnaccusative uses the voiceType field to compute unaccusativity via VoiceType.assignsTheta.

                                                The stored unaccusative flag agrees with the derived value. This consistency check ensures that the stipulated field and the Voice-based derivation produce the same answer.