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Linglib.Fragments.Japanese.Case

Japanese Case Inventory @cite{blake-1994} @cite{tsujimura-2014} @cite{sadakane-koizumi-1995} @cite{kuroda-1972} @cite{kuno-1987} #

Japanese marks grammatical and semantic relations on noun phrases with postpositional morphemes. Following @cite{tsujimura-2014} (ch. 4 §§1.5–1.6, pp. 133–137), those morphemes split into two morphosyntactic categories:

This Fragment groups both classes under a single CaseMarker schema with an omissibleInCasual : Bool field encoding Tsujimura's primitive diagnostic; the two enumerated lists (caseParticles, postpositions) realize Tsujimura's classification, with consistency theorems forcing the two encodings to agree. Both classes contribute to the language's Core.Case inventory under the UD/Blake typological framing this library uses (@cite{blake-1994} subsumes the postposition-marked roles LOC/ALL/ABL/COM/TER/INST under the case hierarchy alongside the case- particle-marked roles NOM/ACC/DAT/GEN).

§1 declares the markers; §2 derives the Core.Case inventory and proves substantive properties (Blake-rank coverage, polysemy overlap).

Theoretical commitments #

This Fragment adopts @cite{tsujimura-2014}'s clean case-particle vs. postposition partition (the diagnostic is omissibility in casual speech; see omissibleInCasual field below) AND treats each particle as a single lexical entry. @cite{sadakane-koizumi-1995} (Linguistics 33(1):5–33) agree on the binary case-particle/postposition dichotomy at the schema level (they explicitly defend Miyagawa 1989 / Kuroda 1965), but argue the apparent ambiguity of -ni dissolves into HOMOPHONY: there are four distinct ni lexemes (dative case marker ni, postposition ni, ni-of-ni-insertion, copula ni), each respecting the binary split. Under their analysis, the Fragment's single ni : CaseMarker entry with cases = {.dat, .loc, .all, .Tem} collapses lexemes from at least three of their four types — a granularity disagreement, not a partition disagreement. The diagnostic separating the four is built from three syntactic tests (floating numeral quantifier, cleft with particle, cleft without particle; see Sadakane-Koizumi §2) plus an affectedness criterion on the NP referent (their §4).

The Fragment keeps the single-entry schema for textbook-consensus reasons; the four-way refinement is formalised in Phenomena/Case/Studies/SadakaneKoizumi1995.lean, which derives the conflation as a Lean theorem (fragment_ni_conflates_sk_types) and aligns S&K's classification with Marantz's CaseSource partial map (sk_to_marantz). Surfacing this contested commitment via that study file is the point of this section — a downstream consumer that wants the four-way refinement knows where to find it.

Scope #

This Fragment treats -ga as .nom, but that framing is a deliberate simplification. The Kuroda–Kuno tradition (@cite{kuroda-1972} on thetic/categorical judgements; @cite{kuno-1987} on functional syntax; discussed by @cite{tsujimura-2014} ch. 6 §4.2.1, Wa vs. Ga; and successors — Heycock, Tomioka — not yet in the bib) treats -ga as ambiguous between a neutral-description marker and an exhaustive- listing/focus marker, with -wa (intentionally excluded from this Fragment as a topic/focus particle, not a case marker) covering categorical/topic readings. The right home for those distinctions is a future Phenomena/InformationStructure/ study file, not this Fragment.

Other phenomena out of scope at the case-marking layer:

The polysemy of -ni (DAT/LOC/ALL/TEM) and -de (LOC/INST) is recorded in the per-marker cases field below — those polysemy claims are auditable Lean data, not prose-only assertions, and are stated as theorems in §2 (e.g. ni_de_share_loc, ni_e_share_all). Per-particle citations identify which uses are directly grounded in @cite{tsujimura-2014} vs. which are standard descriptive consensus from other sources (Shibatani 1990, The Languages of Japan, CUP — not yet in the linglib bib).

A Japanese case-marking morpheme. cases records which Core.Case categories the marker realizes — most markers map to a single case, but -ni and -de are polysemous. omissibleInCasual records Tsujimura's diagnostic (ch. 4 §1.6, p. 136, ex. 28–29): case particles can be dropped in casual speech, postpositions cannot. Membership in caseParticles vs. postpositions (below) gives the same partition via Tsujimura's enumeration; the consistency theorems caseParticles_all_omissible and postpositions_none_omissible force the two encodings to agree.

  • romaji : String

    Romanized form (Hepburn).

  • kana : String

    Hiragana form.

  • cases : Finset Core.Case

    The Core.Case categories this marker realizes.

  • omissibleInCasual : Bool

    Whether the marker can be dropped in casual speech (Tsujimura's diagnostic for case-particle status, p. 136, ex. 28–29).

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    Case particles (Tsujimura 2014, ch. 4 §1.6, p. 134) #

    -ga — nominative case particle. See the file's Scope section for the Kuroda–Kuno exhaustive-listing literature this Fragment abstracts away. Tsujimura (p. 134, ex. 22a–d): "normally indicates that the accompanying noun is the subject of the sentence".

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      -o — accusative case particle. Tsujimura (p. 134, ex. 22b–c): "marks the noun that immediately precedes it as the direct object".

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        -no — genitive case particle. Tsujimura (p. 134, ex. 22d): "establishes a modification relation to the following noun ... possessor–possessed relation, similar to English 's". The same form is also a nominalizer and the alternant in ga/no conversion inside relative clauses; both uses are out of scope at the case-marking layer (see file scope note).

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          -ni — dative case particle (primary use per Tsujimura, p. 134, ex. 22c: "primarily associated with verbs of giving, and together with a noun, it implies the recipient"). Polysemous along three further axes:

          • Allative (motion-toward, .all): @cite{tsujimura-2014} p. 374 ex. 209a, Satoko-ga kooen-ni aruita 'Satoko walked to the park', in the lexicalization-pattern (Talmy) discussion. Overlaps with the postposition -e.
          • Temporal (.Tem): @cite{tsujimura-2014} p. 129 ex. 8a, maiasa goji-ni oki-te 'every morning at 5 o'clock get-up'; p. 286 ex. 164 2008-nen-ni toosen-sita '(was) elected in 2008'.
          • Locative-of-existence (.loc, Tōkyō-ni iru 'be in Tokyo'): standard descriptive claim (any Japanese reference grammar; not foregrounded in Tsujimura's case-particle section). The DAT–LOC–ALL clustering is a cross-linguistically common polysemy; @cite{blake-1994} discusses the ALL → DAT extension as a recurrent grammaticalization pathway.
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            Postpositions (Tsujimura 2014, ch. 4 §1.5, p. 133) #

            -de — locative postposition (Tsujimura, p. 133, ex. 20a: uti-de "at home"; p. 136: "de 'at' implies location"). Specifically marks location-of-action ('at/in the place where something happens'), in contrast with -ni's locative-of-existence. The instrumental use (kuruma-de iku 'go by car') and means/material use are standard descriptive consensus; both are recorded as .inst here.

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              -e — directional/allative postposition. Tsujimura (p. 133, ex. 20b): gakkoo-e "to school". Restricted to motion-toward; ungrammatical or marked in pure recipient or locative-of-existence contexts where -ni is fine. The Fragment encodes the case-relevant difference by giving -e only .all, while -ni carries .dat, .loc, .all, .Tem.

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                -to — comitative postposition. Tsujimura (p. 133, ex. 20c: tomodati-to "with a friend"; p. 136: "to 'with' has comitative meaning"). The same form is also a quotative complementizer; that use is out of scope at the case-marking layer.

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                  -kara — ablative postposition (source/origin, both spatial and temporal). Tsujimura (p. 133, ex. 20e: yama-kara "from the mountain"). The same form is also a clause-final 'because' conjunction; that use is out of scope at the case-marking layer.

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                    -made — terminative postposition ('until, as far as'). Tsujimura (p. 133, ex. 20d: gozi-made "until 5 o'clock"; p. 137: "made 'until, as far as'"). Marks the endpoint of a spatial or temporal extent. UD Core.Case provides .Ter for this role (Hungarian -ig, Finnish -asti).

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                      -yori — literary/formal ablative; in modern colloquial Japanese primarily marks the standard of comparison ('than X'; cf. @cite{tsujimura-2014} p. 132, ex. 19d: Hanako-yori zutto haya-ku "a lot earlier than Hanako"). Only the case-marking ABL function is recorded here; the comparative-standard reading is out of scope at the case layer.

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                        Tsujimura's classification #

                        Tsujimura enumerates the four case particles in ch. 4 §1.6 (p. 134, ex. 22) and the postpositions in ch. 4 §1.5 (p. 133, ex. 20). The enumerated lists are the primary source of truth here; caseMarkers is their concatenation.

                        The six postpositions with case-relevant semantics from Tsujimura's enumeration (p. 133, ex. 20).

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                          Tsujimura's diagnostic (p. 136, ex. 28): every case particle in her enumeration is omissible in casual speech.

                          Tsujimura's diagnostic (p. 136, ex. 29): no postposition in her enumeration is omissible in casual speech.

                          The Core.Case categories realized by Japanese case markers, derived from caseMarkers. Changing a marker's cases field automatically propagates here — there is no separately stipulated set to drift from.

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                            Every Blake hierarchy rank from 0 to 6 is realized in the Japanese inventory. This is strictly stronger than IsValidInventory (which only rules out interior gaps) — Japanese is the maximally Blake-realizing inventory among the languages currently in Fragments/.

                            Contiguous on Blake's hierarchy. (Trivially follows from caseInventory_realizes_all_blake_ranks, but stated separately so that consumers comparing inventories across Fragments can exact it.)

                            Polysemy as theorems #

                            The polysemy claims advertised in the -ni and -de docstrings are stated here as auditable Lean theorems rather than prose-only assertions. A consumer who edits a marker's cases field will break exactly these theorems if the polysemy claim no longer holds.

                            The case particle -ni and the postposition -de both realize .loc, distinguished semantically by locative-of-existence vs. locative-of- action (see per-marker docstrings). Tsujimura's morphosyntactic case-particle/postposition split therefore does NOT align with the semantic case split — .loc straddles both classes.

                            The case particle -ni and the postposition -e both realize .all, distinguished by the broader recipient/dative profile of -ni vs. -e's pure motion-toward semantics.

                            Both -kara and -yori realize .abl, with -yori additionally marking the standard of comparison (recorded in the docstring as out of scope at the case layer). The two postpositions are co-extensional on the case-marking dimension.