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Linglib.Fragments.Mayan.Mam.Pronouns

San Juan Atitán Mam Pronouns #

Pronoun lexicon for San Juan Atitán Mam (SJA Mam, Mayan), from [Sco23] ch. 4. Scott's central claim is that the reduced subject/possessor forms are true pronouns in argument position — not agreement markers (contra her own Scott 2020 analysis) and not a special clitic series (she explicitly prefers an impoverishment derivation over "positing a unique series of 'clitic' pronouns", p. 162, citing the Agree-affects-pronouns family: Cardinaletti & Starke, Nevins, Kramer, Stegovec, Yuan). The entries therefore live here as PersonalPronoun values flowing through the shared Pronoun API.

Two series (her Table 4.1 / 4.9, p. 160 / 185):

The disagreement enclitic =i (gloss DISAGR; [Noy92], [Har16a]; her §4.3.3) realizes disagreeing values of [±author]/[±participant] — enclitic_iff_disagrees verifies the XOR distribution across the paradigm. reduction_iff_author verifies that the two series differ exactly at [+author] cells.

Feature values follow her Table 4.4 (p. 183). NB the convention: Harbour's [±participant] "functions more like a [+/−hearer] or [+/−addressee] feature" (p. 182), so 1EXCL is [−participant] — this deliberately diverges from Person.Features, whose wellFormed invariant (author → participant) encodes the speech-act-participant convention; hence the fragment-local ScottFeatures.

Wordhood: =i is a morphological enclitic with promiscuous attachment (nouns, verbs, pronouns, other clitics; allomorphs <i>/<y>, =ni after [m]); whether qi/qa are words or enclitics is left open by Scott (p. 163, her p. 39) — none of this is a Cardinaletti–Starke deficiency classification, so strength is left unset throughout.

Lexical entries #

=i — the disagreement enclitic pronoun (DISAGR): realizes disagreeing [±author]/[±participant] values, hence φ-underspecified (it serves 1SG, 1PL.EXCL, 2SG, and — with the plural piece q — 2PL; Table 4.11). Doubles as the 2SG "independent" form (her fn. 2).

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    qini — 1SG independent pronoun; bimorphemic qin+=i (base qin [+author,+sg] + disagreement enclitic, Table 4.9).

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      qoy — 1PL exclusive independent pronoun; bimorphemic qo'+=y (base qo [+author,−sg] + enclitic; glottalization from the enclitic, her fn. 7).

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        qo — 1PL inclusive independent pronoun; monomorphemic (1INCL's [+author,+participant] values agree, so no enclitic).

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          qi — 2PL pronoun, both series; bimorphemic q+=i (§4.3.3.2). Word-vs-enclitic status left open by Scott (p. 163).

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            qa — 3PL pronoun, both series; also the generic plural marker of the language (her (42)–(44)). Word-vs-enclitic status left open.

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              The clusivity-marked entries satisfy the API's well-formedness invariant (clusivity only on 1st-person non-singular).

              The paradigm #

              inductive Mam.PronCell :

              A cell of the SJA Mam pronominal paradigm: the quadripartition (1EXCL/1INCL/2/3, Table 4.3) crossed with number, minus the principled gap *1SG-inclusive (Table 4.4).

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                @[implicit_reducible]
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                def Mam.instReprPronCell.repr :
                PronCellStd.Format
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                  @[implicit_reducible]
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                  [Sco23]'s bivalent φ-features (Table 4.4, after [Har16a]): [±author], [±participant], [±singular]. Fragment-local because the participant convention (≈ [±hearer]: 1EXCL is [−participant]) is incompatible with Person.Features' author → participant invariant.

                  • author : Bool
                  • participant : Bool
                  • singular : Bool
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                    def Mam.instDecidableEqScottFeatures.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : ScottFeatures) :
                    Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                    • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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                      @[implicit_reducible]
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                      def Mam.instReprScottFeatures.repr :
                      ScottFeaturesStd.Format
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                      • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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                        Feature values per cell — a transcription of Table 4.4.

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                          [±author]/[±participant] values disagree — the condition under which the enclitic =i is inserted ([Noy92]; [Sco23] §4.3.3).

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                            @[implicit_reducible]
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                            The feature table is faithful to the API-side person values: [+author] exactly at first person.

                            The feature table is faithful to the API-side number values: [+singular] exactly at singular cells.

                            Subject/possessor (reduced) pronoun by cell (Table 4.1 left column): first-person bases are bled by impoverishment (§4.4), so 1SG/1PL.EXCL surface as bare =i and 1PL.INCL as ∅; 2nd/3rd are identical to the independent series.

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                              Morphological-parse data (Table 4.9): the form contains the disagreement enclitic. qini = qin+=i, qoy = qo'+=y, qi = q+=i, and =i itself; qo and qa contain no enclitic.

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                                Verification theorems #

                                theorem Mam.enclitic_iff_disagrees (c : PronCell) :
                                Option.any bearsEnclitic (independent c) = true c.Disagrees

                                Noyer/Scott's disagreement generalization, verified across the whole paradigm: a cell's independent form contains =i iff its [±author]/[±participant] values disagree (Table 4.4 × Table 4.9/4.11).

                                Reduction is exactly first-personhood: the subject/possessor form differs from the independent form precisely at [+author] cells (Table 4.1; the impoverishment rule targets [+author] under agreement, §4.4).

                                theorem Mam.reduced_residue (c : PronCell) (h : subjPoss c independent c) :
                                subjPoss c = some iDisagr subjPoss c = none

                                What reduction leaves behind is never a base: every reduced (≠ independent) cell surfaces as bare =i or as ∅ — the enclitic is all that survives impoverishment.