Documentation

Linglib.Fragments.Mayan.Mam.Agreement

Mam Agreement Fragment [Sco23] #

[Dea24] [Woo97] [Bla94b]

Agreement morphology and pronoun realization data for San Juan Atitán Mam (SJA Mam), the dialect analyzed in [Sco23]. Per Scott's Chapter 3 (titled "Object licensing and agreement: SJA Mam is a tripartite high-abs language"), SJA Mam exhibits morphologically tripartite agreement alignment: S, A, and O each trigger distinct marking patterns on the verb.

Dialect-specificity and the analytical contrast #

This fragment encodes Scott's analysis of SJA Mam specifically. Other Mam dialects (notably Ixtahuacán Mam, the variety described in England 1983b and used by [ZM17] §4-5) have been characterized as ergative with a neutral pattern in aspectless dependent clauses — NOT tripartite. Per Zavala 2017 §4 (p. 237), "Ch'orti' is the only Mayan language that exhibits three sets of pronominal markers" — making Ch'orti' the canonical tripartite Mayan language under that framing.

Scott's tripartite analysis of SJA Mam is an analytical contribution that uses a high-abs / Voice Licensing / Ergative Extraction Constraint framework (her ch. 3 §3.4) to argue for tripartite case (ERG, ACC, ABS) even though Mam lacks independent DP case morphology. Per Scott §1.2.4 (Mam dialect variation, p. 11) and Table 1.2 (Mam dialect groups, citing Simon 2019), Mam dialects vary substantially; the SJA Mam analysis may not extend directly to Ixtahuacán Mam.

The System #

Mam has two agreement paradigms on the verb:

In the default construction, transitive objects are not cross-referenced by either set — they co-occur with default Set B (tz'=) and require full overt pronouns. However, some speakers accept agreeing Set B for objects as a more formal variant ([Sco23], ch. 3, ex. 156).

Case Licensing (per Scott's analysis) #

Case is NOT assigned via dependent case. Instead:

This gives a tripartite underlying Case system (ERG, ACC, ABS) despite Mam having no independent case morphology on DPs — case is visible only through agreement patterns. This tripartite analysis is dialect-specific to SJA Mam per Scott; alternative analyses (for other Mam dialects or under different theoretical frameworks) characterize Mam as ergative with neutral patterns in dependent clauses (England 1983b; [ZM17] §4-5).

Argument Positions #

PositionCaseAgreementPronoun
A (transitive agent)ERG (from Voice)Set Areduced/null
S (intransitive subj)ABS (from Infl)Set Breduced/null
P (transitive patient)ACC (from Voice)default Set Bovert

Set A (ERG) markers per cell: prefixes/proclitics on the verb that cross-reference the transitive agent ([Sco23], Table 2.8). All six cells have distinct exponents (with t- syncretism for 2sg/3sg and ky- syncretism for 2pl/3pl).

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    Set B (ABS) markers per cell ([Sco23], Table 3.5). The 2/3SG form tz'= is the default — it appears both for real agreement with a 2/3SG intransitive S and for default Set B in transitives when Infl's probe is blocked by VoiceP.

    Per Scott's DM analysis, 2sg and 3sg are NOT specific entries; they surface via the Elsewhere fallback. The total function below returns "tz'=" for both, but downstream Vocabulary construction should treat them as derived from the Elsewhere entry. See setBSpecificCells for the cells that have actual specific Vocabulary Items in the DM analysis.

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      The four Set B cells that have specific Vocabulary Items (per Scott's DM analysis). 2sg and 3sg are NOT included — they fall through to the Elsewhere entry.

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        def Mam.defaultSetB :
        String

        The default (Elsewhere) Set B marker. Surfaces in transitives when Infl's probe is blocked, and also for 2/3SG intransitive S.

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          @[reducible, inline]

          Argument positions in a Mam clause ([Sco23] ch. 3). Aliased to the canonical Features.Prominence.ArgumentRole (S/A/P/R/T) so cross-Mayan and cross-framework code shares one inventory. Use the canonical constructor names .A / .P / .S directly.

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            @[reducible, inline]

            The case each argument position receives. Definitionally equal to Mayan.ergCaseMam, which derives from Alignment.tripartite.assignCase in Syntax/Case/Alignment.lean: A → ERG (inherent from Voice), P → ACC (structural from Voice), S → ABS (structural from Infl). The three distinct cases are tripartite alignment per Scott's analysis (ch. 3 §3.4).

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              Does this argument position participate in φ-Agree?

              Agent: Voice probes for φ, finds agent in Spec,VoiceP → Set A Intransitive S: Infl probes for φ, finds S → Set B Patient: Infl's φ-probe has a disjunctive satisfaction condition [SAT: φ or Voice_TR]. In transitives, the probe encounters transitive Voice and stops — no φ-features are copied, and default Set B (the Elsewhere form) surfaces. Ditransitive R/T default to participating (not modeled).

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                @[implicit_reducible]
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                Can a pronoun in this argument position undergo reduction?

                Scott's analysis (ch. 4, §4.4.3): first person pronouns in agreed-with positions are reduced via an impoverishment rule that deletes [±singular] in the context of [+author]^F (where F marks that the feature has been agreed with). This bleeds insertion of the pronominal base morphemes qin ([+author,+singular]) and qo ([+author,-singular]), leaving only the disagreement enclitic =i.

                Non-first person pronouns are NOT reduced — their subj/poss forms are identical to their independent forms (Table 4.25, p. 200). Whether actual reduction occurs depends on person (see realizedPronoun), but only agreed-with positions are eligible.

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                  @[implicit_reducible]
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                  Agent gets ERG (inherent, from Voice).

                  Patient gets ACC (structural, from Voice).

                  Intransitive S gets ABS (structural, from Infl).

                  Reduction eligibility ≡ φ-agreement: an argument position is eligible for pronoun reduction iff it triggers agreement on the verb. By CanBeReduced := IsPhiAgreed, this is reflexivity.

                  Mam case inventory, derived from argument position case values.

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                    The inventory covers all argument positions.

                    φ-dimensions of the SJA Mam pronominal system ([Sco23] Table 4.4, adopting [Har16a]'s bivalent features): [±author], [±participant], [±singular]. Per-cell values live in Mam.ScottFeatures (Fragments/Mayan/Mam/Pronouns.lean, where the disagreement distribution of the =i enclitic is verified); this enum names the dimensions, for the redundancy calculus below.

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                      def Mam.instReprPhiDimension.repr :
                      PhiDimensionStd.Format
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                        Dimensions referenced by Set A/Set B agreement vocabulary items: only [±author] and [±singular] (Tables 4.7-4.8) — agreement never copies [±participant].

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                          Dimensions realized by the pronominal base morphemes qin [+author,+sg] and qo [+author,−sg] (Table 4.10).

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                            Dimensions whose disagreement the =i enclitic realizes ([Noy92]; [Sco23] §4.3.3): [±author] and [±participant].

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                              A dimension is copied back to the probe by agreement.

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                                @[implicit_reducible]
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                                The pronominal base is fully redundant under agreement: every dimension it realizes is copied — the configuration in which impoverishment bleeds base insertion (§4.4).

                                The =i enclitic is not fully redundant: [±participant] is never copied by agreement — so the enclitic survives reduction.

                                Pronoun realization by argument position ([Sco23], her (3)/(8): nominative alignment of reduction). φ-agreed positions (A, S — and possessors) take the subject/possessor series; the unagreed object position takes the independent series. The impoverishment rule (ex. 84/94) [±singular] → ∅ / [+author]^F targets [+author] features bearing the agreed-with diacritic F, bleeding insertion of the bases qin/qo — so agreed-with first person surfaces as bare =i (or ∅ for 1PL.INCL), while everything else keeps its independent form. Realization is selection among the API's PersonalPronoun entries, not a separate form classification.

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                                  1SG agent: reduced to the bare disagreement enclitic (base bled by impoverishment).

                                  1SG intransitive subject: likewise reduced (Set B agreement).

                                  1SG patient: the full independent pronoun qini (no agreement → no F diacritic → no impoverishment).

                                  2SG agent: unreduced — =i IS the independent 2SG form (Scott's fn. 2), so the agreed-with cell coincides with the independent one.

                                  3PL agent: full qa (impoverishment does not apply to [−author]).

                                  The nominative-alignment contrast: the same 1SG argument is =i as agent but qini as patient.

                                  The unagreed object position realizes the independent series, for every cell — person is irrelevant without the F diacritic.

                                  Mam is HIGH-ABS: Set B (absolutive) markers appear pre-stem on Infl, immediately following the aspect marker. Morpheme template: ASP-ABS-ERG-ROOT-SUFFIX ([Sco23], §2.5.1).

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                                    HIGH-ABS yields ABS=NOM case locus: Infl assigns case to the absolutive argument ([Sco23], §3.3).

                                    Set A linearity: prefixal (per [Sco23] ch. 2; pan-Mayan).

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                                      Set B linearity: prefixal (HIGH-ABS Mam morphology; pre-stem on Infl, per [Sco23] §2.5.1).

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                                        Mam's extraction strategy: AF morphology is productive in SJA Mam ([Sco23] §2.5.4.1 ex. 169 + §2.7.1 syntactic ergativity). The construction combines the antipassive suffix -(a)n with the AF-specific suffix -ta (e.g., b'yo-n-ta 'hit-AP-AF'), making SJA Mam's AF morphologically distinct from K'iche''s (which uses bare antipassive -n in AF contexts per [Mon17] Lesson 22 — no extra AF morpheme).

                                        For the cross-Mayan typology, we mark the strategy as dedicatedMorpheme (the descriptive surface category) to parallel Q'anjob'al/Kaqchikel/K'iche'. The analytical claim that AF is an SSAL repair (Erlewine-line) lives in Studies/Erlewine2016.lean; rival accounts (Coon-Mateo Pedro-Preminger absolutive licensing, Coon-Keine Feature Gluttony) are not encoded in the typology enum.

                                        Language: "Mam (SJA)". Notes: AF (-(a)n + -ta) for A-extraction; HIGH-ABS tripartite Mam (Scott 2023 §2.5.4.1).

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                                          Set A 3SG marker is "t-" (the default singular Set A — syncretic with 2SG).

                                          theorem Mam.erg_1sg_from_phi :
                                          Agreement.Paradigm.realizeFor setAExponent { form := "", cat := UD.UPOS.PRON, features := { number := some UD.Number.Sing, person := some UD.Person.first } } = some "n-/w-"

                                          A controller's φ-features index the agreement paradigm directly: a 1sg agent selects its first-person-singular ergative prefix. The Set A table (setAExponent) is keyed by canonical φ-cells, so a pronoun's Word.agrCell drives agreement realization in one shared feature space ([Cor98]; [Sco23] Ch. 2). The realizational account (impoverishment / Elsewhere; [Sco23] Ch. 4) is theory and stays in the study.