Mam Agreement Fragment [Sco23] #
Agreement morphology and pronoun realization data for San Juan Atitán Mam (SJA Mam), the dialect analyzed in [Sco23]. Per Scott's Chapter 3 (titled "Object licensing and agreement: SJA Mam is a tripartite high-abs language"), SJA Mam exhibits morphologically tripartite agreement alignment: S, A, and O each trigger distinct marking patterns on the verb.
Dialect-specificity and the analytical contrast #
This fragment encodes Scott's analysis of SJA Mam specifically. Other Mam dialects (notably Ixtahuacán Mam, the variety described in England 1983b and used by [ZM17] §4-5) have been characterized as ergative with a neutral pattern in aspectless dependent clauses — NOT tripartite. Per Zavala 2017 §4 (p. 237), "Ch'orti' is the only Mayan language that exhibits three sets of pronominal markers" — making Ch'orti' the canonical tripartite Mayan language under that framing.
Scott's tripartite analysis of SJA Mam is an analytical contribution that uses a high-abs / Voice Licensing / Ergative Extraction Constraint framework (her ch. 3 §3.4) to argue for tripartite case (ERG, ACC, ABS) even though Mam lacks independent DP case morphology. Per Scott §1.2.4 (Mam dialect variation, p. 11) and Table 1.2 (Mam dialect groups, citing Simon 2019), Mam dialects vary substantially; the SJA Mam analysis may not extend directly to Ixtahuacán Mam.
The System #
Mam has two agreement paradigms on the verb:
- Set A (ERG): prefixes on Voice cross-referencing the transitive agent
- Set B (ABS): preverbal markers on Infl cross-referencing the absolutive argument (intransitive S). In transitives, Infl's φ-probe is blocked by transitive VoiceP and default Set B (∅/tz'=) appears instead.
In the default construction, transitive objects are not cross-referenced by either set — they co-occur with default Set B (tz'=) and require full overt pronouns. However, some speakers accept agreeing Set B for objects as a more formal variant ([Sco23], ch. 3, ex. 156).
Case Licensing (per Scott's analysis) #
Case is NOT assigned via dependent case. Instead:
- ERG: inherent case from Voice
- ACC: structural case from Voice (object licensing; low-abs syntax)
- ABS: structural case from Infl (high-abs morphology; for intransitive S)
This gives a tripartite underlying Case system (ERG, ACC, ABS) despite Mam having no independent case morphology on DPs — case is visible only through agreement patterns. This tripartite analysis is dialect-specific to SJA Mam per Scott; alternative analyses (for other Mam dialects or under different theoretical frameworks) characterize Mam as ergative with neutral patterns in dependent clauses (England 1983b; [ZM17] §4-5).
Argument Positions #
| Position | Case | Agreement | Pronoun |
|---|---|---|---|
| A (transitive agent) | ERG (from Voice) | Set A | reduced/null |
| S (intransitive subj) | ABS (from Infl) | Set B | reduced/null |
| P (transitive patient) | ACC (from Voice) | default Set B | overt |
Set A (ERG) markers per cell: prefixes/proclitics on the verb that cross-reference the transitive agent ([Sco23], Table 2.8). All six cells have distinct exponents (with t- syncretism for 2sg/3sg and ky- syncretism for 2pl/3pl).
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Set B (ABS) markers per cell ([Sco23], Table 3.5). The 2/3SG form tz'= is the default — it appears both for real agreement with a 2/3SG intransitive S and for default Set B in transitives when Infl's probe is blocked by VoiceP.
Per Scott's DM analysis, 2sg and 3sg are NOT specific entries; they
surface via the Elsewhere fallback. The total function below
returns "tz'=" for both, but downstream Vocabulary construction
should treat them as derived from the Elsewhere entry. See
setBSpecificCells for the cells that have actual specific
Vocabulary Items in the DM analysis.
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The four Set B cells that have specific Vocabulary Items (per Scott's DM analysis). 2sg and 3sg are NOT included — they fall through to the Elsewhere entry.
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The default (Elsewhere) Set B marker. Surfaces in transitives when Infl's probe is blocked, and also for 2/3SG intransitive S.
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- Mam.defaultSetB = "tz'="
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Argument positions in a Mam clause ([Sco23] ch. 3).
Aliased to the canonical Features.Prominence.ArgumentRole
(S/A/P/R/T) so cross-Mayan and cross-framework code shares one
inventory. Use the canonical constructor names .A / .P / .S
directly.
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The case each argument position receives. Definitionally equal to
Mayan.ergCaseMam, which derives from
Alignment.tripartite.assignCase in
Syntax/Case/Alignment.lean: A → ERG (inherent from Voice),
P → ACC (structural from Voice), S → ABS (structural from Infl).
The three distinct cases are tripartite alignment per Scott's
analysis (ch. 3 §3.4).
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Does this argument position participate in φ-Agree?
Agent: Voice probes for φ, finds agent in Spec,VoiceP → Set A Intransitive S: Infl probes for φ, finds S → Set B Patient: Infl's φ-probe has a disjunctive satisfaction condition [SAT: φ or Voice_TR]. In transitives, the probe encounters transitive Voice and stops — no φ-features are copied, and default Set B (the Elsewhere form) surfaces. Ditransitive R/T default to participating (not modeled).
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- Mam.ArgPosition.IsPhiAgreed Features.Prominence.ArgumentRole.A = True
- Mam.ArgPosition.IsPhiAgreed Features.Prominence.ArgumentRole.P = False
- Mam.ArgPosition.IsPhiAgreed Features.Prominence.ArgumentRole.S = True
- Mam.ArgPosition.IsPhiAgreed Features.Prominence.ArgumentRole.R = True
- Mam.ArgPosition.IsPhiAgreed Features.Prominence.ArgumentRole.T = True
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Can a pronoun in this argument position undergo reduction?
Scott's analysis (ch. 4, §4.4.3): first person pronouns in agreed-with positions are reduced via an impoverishment rule that deletes [±singular] in the context of [+author]^F (where F marks that the feature has been agreed with). This bleeds insertion of the pronominal base morphemes qin ([+author,+singular]) and qo ([+author,-singular]), leaving only the disagreement enclitic =i.
Non-first person pronouns are NOT reduced — their subj/poss forms
are identical to their independent forms (Table 4.25, p. 200).
Whether actual reduction occurs depends on person (see
realizedPronoun), but only agreed-with positions are eligible.
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- pos.CanBeReduced = pos.IsPhiAgreed
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- Mam.instDecidablePredArgPositionCanBeReduced pos = id inferInstance
The three monotransitive argument positions.
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Agent gets ERG (inherent, from Voice).
Patient gets ACC (structural, from Voice).
Intransitive S gets ABS (structural, from Infl).
Three distinct underlying cases — morphologically tripartite.
Inherits from Alignment.tripartite_distinguishes_all via the
substrate connection.
Reduction eligibility ≡ φ-agreement: an argument position is
eligible for pronoun reduction iff it triggers agreement on the
verb. By CanBeReduced := IsPhiAgreed, this is reflexivity.
Mam case inventory, derived from argument position case values.
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The inventory covers all argument positions.
φ-dimensions of the SJA Mam pronominal system ([Sco23] Table 4.4,
adopting [Har16a]'s bivalent features): [±author], [±participant],
[±singular]. Per-cell values live in Mam.ScottFeatures
(Fragments/Mayan/Mam/Pronouns.lean, where the disagreement
distribution of the =i enclitic is verified); this enum names the
dimensions, for the redundancy calculus below.
- author : PhiDimension
- participant : PhiDimension
- singular : PhiDimension
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- Mam.instDecidableEqPhiDimension x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Mam.instReprPhiDimension = { reprPrec := Mam.instReprPhiDimension.repr }
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- Mam.instReprPhiDimension.repr Mam.PhiDimension.author prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Mam.PhiDimension.author")).group prec✝
- Mam.instReprPhiDimension.repr Mam.PhiDimension.singular prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Mam.PhiDimension.singular")).group prec✝
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Dimensions referenced by Set A/Set B agreement vocabulary items: only [±author] and [±singular] (Tables 4.7-4.8) — agreement never copies [±participant].
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Dimensions realized by the pronominal base morphemes qin [+author,+sg] and qo [+author,−sg] (Table 4.10).
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A dimension is copied back to the probe by agreement.
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- d.Copied = (d ∈ Mam.agreedDimensions)
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- Mam.instDecidablePredPhiDimensionCopied d = id inferInstance
The pronominal base is fully redundant under agreement: every dimension it realizes is copied — the configuration in which impoverishment bleeds base insertion (§4.4).
The =i enclitic is not fully redundant: [±participant] is never copied by agreement — so the enclitic survives reduction.
Pronoun realization by argument position ([Sco23], her (3)/(8):
nominative alignment of reduction). φ-agreed positions (A, S — and
possessors) take the subject/possessor series; the unagreed object
position takes the independent series. The impoverishment rule
(ex. 84/94) [±singular] → ∅ / [+author]^F targets [+author] features
bearing the agreed-with diacritic F, bleeding insertion of the bases
qin/qo — so agreed-with first person surfaces as bare =i
(or ∅ for 1PL.INCL), while everything else keeps its independent
form. Realization is selection among the API's PersonalPronoun
entries, not a separate form classification.
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- Mam.realizedPronoun pos c = if pos.IsPhiAgreed then Mam.subjPoss c else Mam.independent c
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1SG agent: reduced to the bare disagreement enclitic (base bled by impoverishment).
1SG intransitive subject: likewise reduced (Set B agreement).
1SG patient: the full independent pronoun qini (no agreement → no F diacritic → no impoverishment).
2SG agent: unreduced — =i IS the independent 2SG form (Scott's fn. 2), so the agreed-with cell coincides with the independent one.
3PL agent: full qa (impoverishment does not apply to [−author]).
The nominative-alignment contrast: the same 1SG argument is =i as agent but qini as patient.
Agreed-with first person differs from agreed-with third person — the impoverishment rule targets [+author] only.
The unagreed object position realizes the independent series, for every cell — person is irrelevant without the F diacritic.
Mam is HIGH-ABS: Set B (absolutive) markers appear pre-stem on Infl, immediately following the aspect marker. Morpheme template: ASP-ABS-ERG-ROOT-SUFFIX ([Sco23], §2.5.1).
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HIGH-ABS yields ABS=NOM case locus: Infl assigns case to the absolutive argument ([Sco23], §3.3).
Set B linearity: prefixal (HIGH-ABS Mam morphology; pre-stem on Infl, per [Sco23] §2.5.1).
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Mam's extraction strategy: AF morphology is productive in SJA Mam
([Sco23] §2.5.4.1 ex. 169 + §2.7.1 syntactic ergativity).
The construction combines the antipassive suffix -(a)n with the
AF-specific suffix -ta (e.g., b'yo-n-ta 'hit-AP-AF'), making
SJA Mam's AF morphologically distinct from K'iche''s (which uses
bare antipassive -n in AF contexts per [Mon17]
Lesson 22 — no extra AF morpheme).
For the cross-Mayan typology, we mark the strategy as
dedicatedMorpheme (the descriptive surface category) to parallel
Q'anjob'al/Kaqchikel/K'iche'. The analytical claim that AF is an
SSAL repair (Erlewine-line) lives in
Studies/Erlewine2016.lean; rival accounts
(Coon-Mateo Pedro-Preminger absolutive licensing, Coon-Keine
Feature Gluttony) are not encoded in the typology enum.
Language: "Mam (SJA)". Notes: AF (-(a)n + -ta) for A-extraction; HIGH-ABS tripartite Mam (Scott 2023 §2.5.4.1).
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Set A 1SG marker.
Set A 3SG marker is "t-" (the default singular Set A — syncretic with 2SG).
Set B 1SG marker is "chin".
Set B 3SG marker is the default "tz'=".
A controller's φ-features index the agreement paradigm directly: a 1sg agent
selects its first-person-singular ergative prefix. The Set A table
(setAExponent) is keyed by canonical φ-cells, so a pronoun's Word.agrCell
drives agreement realization in one shared feature space ([Cor98];
[Sco23] Ch. 2). The realizational account (impoverishment /
Elsewhere; [Sco23] Ch. 4) is theory and stays in the study.