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Linglib.Fragments.Mayan.Mam.Agreement

Mam Agreement Fragment #

Agreement morphology and pronoun realization data for San Juan Atitán Mam (SJA Mam, Mayan), following [Sco23]. SJA Mam has morphologically tripartite agreement alignment — S, A, and O each trigger distinct verbal marking (Scott's ch. 3, "Object licensing and agreement: SJA Mam is a tripartite high-abs language") — realized through two paradigms: Set A (ERG) prefixes on Voice cross-referencing the transitive agent, and Set B (ABS) preverbal markers on Infl cross-referencing the absolutive (intransitive S). Transitive objects are cross-referenced by neither set: they co-occur with default Set B (tz'=) and require full overt pronouns, though some speakers accept agreeing Set B for objects as a more formal variant ([Sco23] ch. 3, ex. 156).

Main declarations #

Implementation notes #

This fragment encodes Scott's tripartite analysis of SJA Mam specifically — an analytical contribution using a high-abs / Voice Licensing / Ergative Extraction Constraint framework ([Sco23] ch. 3 §3.4) to argue for tripartite case (ERG, ACC, ABS) even though Mam lacks independent DP case morphology; case is visible only through agreement. Other Mam dialects (notably Ixtahuacán Mam, described in England 1983b and used by [ZM17] §4-5) are characterized as ergative with a neutral pattern in aspectless dependent clauses — not tripartite; per [ZM17] §4 (p. 237), "Ch'orti' is the only Mayan language that exhibits three sets of pronominal markers", the canonical tripartite Mayan language under that framing. Per [Sco23] §1.2.4 and Table 1.2 (citing Simon 2019), Mam dialects vary substantially, so the SJA analysis may not extend to Ixtahuacán Mam.

Case is not dependent case ([Sco23]; cf. [Woo97], [Dea24]): ERG is inherent case from Voice, ACC structural case from Voice (object licensing, low-abs syntax), ABS structural case from Infl (high-abs morphology, for intransitive S). In transitives, Infl's φ-probe is blocked by transitive VoiceP and default Set B (∅/tz'=) surfaces. Person-number cells are the canonical φ-cells Agreement.Cell (Syntax/Agreement/Paradigm.lean), built with Agreement.Cell.pn (the six-cell inventory Agreement.Cell.pnCells); per-cell pronoun feature values live in Mam.ScottFeatures (Fragments/Mayan/Mam/Pronouns.lean).

Agreement marker paradigms #

Set A (ERG) markers cross-referencing the transitive agent ([Sco23] Table 2.8); t- is syncretic for 2/3SG, ky- for 2/3PL.

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    Set B (ABS) markers ([Sco23] Table 3.5). The 2/3SG form tz'= is the Elsewhere default: it realizes both real 2/3SG intransitive-S agreement and default Set B in transitives when Infl's probe is blocked by VoiceP. Per Scott's DM analysis 2SG and 3SG are not specific Vocabulary Items but surface via Elsewhere fallback (see setBSpecificCells).

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      The four Set B cells with specific Vocabulary Items ([Sco23]); 2SG and 3SG fall through to the Elsewhere entry.

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        def Mam.defaultSetB :
        String

        The Elsewhere Set B marker, surfacing in transitives when Infl's probe is blocked and for 2/3SG intransitive S.

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          Argument positions and agreement status #

          @[reducible, inline]

          Argument positions, aliased to the canonical Features.Prominence.ArgumentRole (S/A/P/R/T) ([Sco23] ch. 3).

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            Tripartite case assignment: Mayan.ergCaseMam (A → ERG inherent from Voice, P → ACC structural from Voice, S → ABS structural from Infl; [Sco23] ch. 3 §3.4).

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              Whether a position triggers φ-Agree. A is probed by Voice (→ Set A), S by Infl (→ Set B); the transitive patient is not, because Infl's φ-probe has a disjunctive satisfaction condition [SAT: φ or Voice_TR] and stops at transitive Voice before copying features, so default Set B surfaces. R/T default to participating (not modeled).

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                Pronoun reduction eligibility #

                Whether a pronoun here is eligible for reduction (≡ φ-agreement). Under Scott's analysis (ch. 4 §4.4.3), agreed-with first-person pronouns undergo an impoverishment rule deleting [±singular] in the context of [+author]^F (F = agreed-with), bleeding the base morphemes qin [+author,+sg] and qo [+author,−sg] and leaving only the disagreement enclitic =i; non-first-person pronouns are not reduced, their subject/possessor forms matching the independent ones ([Sco23] Table 4.25, p. 200). Only agreed-with positions are eligible; whether reduction actually applies depends on person (see realizedPronoun).

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                  Per-position verification #

                  Agent gets ERG (inherent, from Voice).

                  Patient gets ACC (structural, from Voice).

                  Intransitive S gets ABS (structural, from Infl).

                  Reduction eligibility coincides with φ-agreement — reflexivity, since CanBeReduced := IsPhiAgreed.

                  Case inventory ([Bla94b]) #

                  The case inventory realized by the core positions: {ERG, ACC, ABS}.

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                    Pronoun internal structure ([Sco23] ch. 4) #

                    The three φ-dimensions of the SJA Mam pronominal system ([Sco23] Table 4.4, after [Har16a]'s bivalent features): [±author], [±participant], [±singular]. This enum names the dimensions for the redundancy calculus below; per-cell values live in Mam.ScottFeatures (Fragments/Mayan/Mam/Pronouns.lean).

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                      def Mam.instReprPhiDimension.repr :
                      PhiDimensionStd.Format
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                        Dimensions referenced by Set A and Set B agreement Vocabulary Items — [±author] and [±singular] only ([Sco23] Tables 4.7-4.8); agreement never copies [±participant].

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                          Dimensions realized by the pronominal base morphemes qin [+author,+sg] and qo [+author,−sg] (Table 4.10).

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                            Dimensions whose disagreement the =i enclitic realizes ([Noy92]; [Sco23] §4.3.3): [±author] and [±participant].

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                              A dimension is copied back to the probe by agreement.

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                                The pronominal base is fully redundant under agreement — every dimension it realizes is copied, the configuration in which impoverishment bleeds base insertion ([Sco23] §4.4).

                                The =i enclitic is not fully redundant: [±participant] is never copied by agreement — so the enclitic survives reduction.

                                Pronoun realization by argument position — the nominative alignment of reduction ([Sco23] (3)/(8)). φ-agreed positions (A, S, and possessors) take the subject/possessor series, the unagreed object the independent series. The impoverishment rule [±singular] → ∅ / [+author]^F (ex. 84/94) targets [+author] under the agreed-with diacritic F, bleeding the bases qin/qo, so agreed-with first person surfaces as bare =i (∅ for 1PL.INCL) while everything else keeps its independent form. Realization selects among the shared PersonalPronoun entries, not a separate form classification.

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                                  1SG agent: reduced to the bare disagreement enclitic (base bled by impoverishment).

                                  1SG intransitive subject: likewise reduced (Set B agreement).

                                  1SG patient: the full independent pronoun qini (no agreement → no F diacritic → no impoverishment).

                                  2SG agent: unreduced — =i IS the independent 2SG form (Scott's fn. 2), so the agreed-with cell coincides with the independent one.

                                  3PL agent: full qa (impoverishment does not apply to [−author]).

                                  The nominative-alignment contrast: the same 1SG argument is =i as agent but qini as patient.

                                  The unagreed object position realizes the independent series, for every cell — person is irrelevant without the F diacritic.

                                  Mayan absolutive parameter #

                                  HIGH-ABS: Set B (absolutive) markers sit pre-stem on Infl, right after the aspect marker — template ASP-ABS-ERG-ROOT-SUFFIX ([Sco23] §2.5.1).

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                                    HIGH-ABS yields ABS=NOM case locus: Infl assigns case to the absolutive argument ([Sco23], §3.3).

                                    Set A linearity: prefixal (per [Sco23] ch. 2; pan-Mayan).

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                                      Set B linearity: prefixal (HIGH-ABS Mam morphology; pre-stem on Infl, per [Sco23] §2.5.1).

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                                        Marker verification #

                                        Set A 3SG marker is "t-" (the default singular Set A — syncretic with 2SG).

                                        theorem Mam.erg_1sg_from_phi :
                                        Agreement.Paradigm.realizeFor setAExponent { form := "", cat := UD.UPOS.PRON, features := { number := some UD.Number.Sing, person := some UD.Person.first } } = some "n-/w-"

                                        A controller's φ-features index the agreement paradigm directly: the Set A table is keyed by canonical φ-cells, so a pronoun's Word.agrCell drives realization in one shared feature space ([Cor98]; [Sco23] Ch. 2). The realizational account (impoverishment, Elsewhere; [Sco23] Ch. 4) stays in the study.