Documentation

Linglib.Fragments.Mayan.Mam.Agreement

Mam Agreement Fragment @cite{scott-2023} #

@cite{deal-2024} @cite{woolford-1997} @cite{blake-1994}

Agreement morphology and pronoun realization data for San Juan Atitán Mam (SJA Mam), the dialect analyzed in @cite{scott-2023}. Per Scott's Chapter 3 (titled "Object licensing and agreement: SJA Mam is a tripartite high-abs language"), SJA Mam exhibits morphologically tripartite agreement alignment: S, A, and O each trigger distinct marking patterns on the verb.

Dialect-specificity and the analytical contrast #

This fragment encodes Scott's analysis of SJA Mam specifically. Other Mam dialects (notably Ixtahuacán Mam, the variety described in England 1983b and used by @cite{zavala-maldonado-2017} §4-5) have been characterized as ergative with a neutral pattern in aspectless dependent clauses — NOT tripartite. Per Zavala 2017 §4 (p. 237), "Ch'orti' is the only Mayan language that exhibits three sets of pronominal markers" — making Ch'orti' the canonical tripartite Mayan language under that framing.

Scott's tripartite analysis of SJA Mam is an analytical contribution that uses a high-abs / Voice Licensing / Ergative Extraction Constraint framework (her ch. 3 §3.4) to argue for tripartite case (ERG, ACC, ABS) even though Mam lacks independent DP case morphology. Per Scott §1.2.4 (Mam dialect variation, p. 11) and Table 1.2 (Mam dialect groups, citing Simon 2019), Mam dialects vary substantially; the SJA Mam analysis may not extend directly to Ixtahuacán Mam.

The System #

Mam has two agreement paradigms on the verb:

In the default construction, transitive objects are not cross-referenced by either set — they co-occur with default Set B (tz'=) and require full overt pronouns. However, some speakers accept agreeing Set B for objects as a more formal variant (@cite{scott-2023}, ch. 3, ex. 156).

Case Licensing (per Scott's analysis) #

Case is NOT assigned via dependent case. Instead:

This gives a tripartite underlying Case system (ERG, ACC, ABS) despite Mam having no independent case morphology on DPs — case is visible only through agreement patterns. This tripartite analysis is dialect-specific to SJA Mam per Scott; alternative analyses (for other Mam dialects or under different theoretical frameworks) characterize Mam as ergative with neutral patterns in dependent clauses (England 1983b; @cite{zavala-maldonado-2017} §4-5).

Argument Positions #

PositionCaseAgreementPronoun
A (transitive agent)ERG (from Voice)Set Areduced/null
S (intransitive subj)ABS (from Infl)Set Breduced/null
P (transitive patient)ACC (from Voice)default Set Bovert

Set A (ERG) markers per cell: prefixes/proclitics on the verb that cross-reference the transitive agent (@cite{scott-2023}, Table 2.8). All six cells have distinct exponents (with t- syncretism for 2sg/3sg and ky- syncretism for 2pl/3pl).

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    Set B (ABS) markers per cell (@cite{scott-2023}, Table 3.5). The 2/3SG form tz'= is the default — it appears both for real agreement with a 2/3SG intransitive S and for default Set B in transitives when Infl's probe is blocked by VoiceP.

    Per Scott's DM analysis, 2sg and 3sg are NOT specific entries; they surface via the Elsewhere fallback. The total function below returns "tz'=" for both, but downstream Vocabulary construction should treat them as derived from the Elsewhere entry. See setBSpecificCells for the cells that have actual specific Vocabulary Items in the DM analysis.

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      The four Set B cells that have specific Vocabulary Items (per Scott's DM analysis). 2sg and 3sg are NOT included — they fall through to the Elsewhere entry.

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        The default (Elsewhere) Set B marker. Surfaces in transitives when Infl's probe is blocked, and also for 2/3SG intransitive S.

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          @[reducible, inline]

          Argument positions in a Mam clause (@cite{scott-2023} ch. 3). Aliased to the canonical Features.Prominence.ArgumentRole (S/A/P/R/T) so cross-Mayan and cross-framework code shares one inventory. Use the canonical constructor names .A / .P / .S directly.

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            @[reducible, inline]

            The case each argument position receives. Definitionally equal to Fragments.Mayan.ergCaseMam, which derives from Alignment.tripartite.assignCase in Theories/Syntax/Case/Alignment.lean: A → ERG (inherent from Voice), P → ACC (structural from Voice), S → ABS (structural from Infl). The three distinct cases are tripartite alignment per Scott's analysis (ch. 3 §3.4).

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              Does this argument position participate in φ-Agree?

              Agent: Voice probes for φ, finds agent in Spec,VoiceP → Set A Intransitive S: Infl probes for φ, finds S → Set B Patient: Infl's φ-probe has a disjunctive satisfaction condition [SAT: φ or Voice_TR]. In transitives, the probe encounters transitive Voice and stops — no φ-features are copied, and default Set B (the Elsewhere form) surfaces. Ditransitive R/T default to participating (not modeled).

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                Can a pronoun in this argument position undergo reduction?

                Scott's analysis (ch. 4, §4.4.3): first person pronouns in agreed-with positions are reduced via an impoverishment rule that deletes [±singular] in the context of [+author]^F (where F marks that the feature has been agreed with). This bleeds insertion of the pronominal base morphemes qin ([+author,+singular]) and qo ([+author,-singular]), leaving only the disagreement enclitic =i.

                Non-first person pronouns are NOT reduced — their subj/poss forms are identical to their independent forms (Table 4.25, p. 200). Whether actual reduction occurs depends on person (see derivePronounForm), but only agreed-with positions are eligible.

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                  Intransitive S gets ABS (structural, from Infl).

                  Reduction eligibility ≡ φ-agreement: an argument position is eligible for pronoun reduction iff it triggers agreement on the verb. By CanBeReduced := IsPhiAgreed, this is reflexivity.

                  Mam case inventory, derived from argument position case values.

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                    The inventory covers all argument positions.

                    Person features relevant for pronoun reduction.

                    Scott decomposes person into binary features following @cite{harbour-2016} (Table 4.3-4.4):

                    • [±author]: distinguishes 1st from non-1st
                    • [±participant]: distinguishes local (1st/2nd) from 3rd

                    Agreement (Set A and Set B) copies only [±author] and ±singular (Tables 4.7-4.8). It does NOT copy [±participant].

                    The =i enclitic is the disagreement enclitic — it realizes disagreeing values of [±author] and [±participant] (ex. 59, adapting @cite{noyer-1992} / @cite{harbour-2016}):

                    • 1SG/1PL.EXCL: [+author, -participant] → disagree → =i
                    • 2SG/2PL: [-author, +participant] → disagree → =i
                    • 1PL.INCL: [+author, +participant] → agree → no =i
                    • 3SG/3PL: [-author, -participant] → agree → no =i
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                        A feature is redundantly expressed by agreement iff agreement copies it.

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                          A morpheme is deleted when ALL its features are redundantly expressed by agreement.

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                            The pronominal base is deleted: [person, number] are both copied by agreement, making the base fully redundant.

                            The =i enclitic survives: [participant] is NOT copied by agreement.

                            Pronoun realization after impoverishment (@cite{scott-2023}, §4.4.3).

                            • reduced: 1st person agreed-with — impoverishment deletes [±singular] in the context of [+author]^F, bleeding insertion of pronominal base morphemes qin/qo. Only =i remains.
                            • full: unreduced — the full independent pronoun form. This covers 2nd/3rd person subj/poss (which ARE identical to their independent forms, Table 4.25), as well as all object pronouns (which are not agreed-with and thus not eligible for reduction).
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                                Is this person 1st (= [+author])? Only [+author] persons are eligible for the impoverishment rule (84) that deletes [±singular] and bleeds base morpheme insertion.

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                                  Derive pronoun form from agreement status and person.

                                  The impoverishment rule (ex. 84/94) targets [+author] features that bear the F diacritic (indicating agreement has occurred): [+/−singular] → ∅ / [+author]^F

                                  This deletes [±singular] from 1st person agreed-with pronouns, bleeding insertion of qin ([+author,+singular]) and qo ([+author,−singular]). Only =i remains.

                                  For 2nd/3rd person, the rule does not apply (they are [-author]), so their subj/poss forms equal their independent forms (Table 4.25). For unagreed-with positions (objects), there is no F diacritic, so impoverishment does not apply regardless of person.

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                                    3rd person agent: full independent form (impoverishment does not apply to [-author]).

                                    2nd person agent: full independent form (=i IS the independent 2SG pronoun, not a reduction).

                                    1st person intransitive S: reduced (Set B agreement triggers impoverishment, deleting base).

                                    Mam is HIGH-ABS: Set B (absolutive) markers appear pre-stem on Infl, immediately following the aspect marker. Morpheme template: ASP-ABS-ERG-ROOT-SUFFIX (@cite{scott-2023}, §2.5.1).

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                                      HIGH-ABS yields ABS=NOM case locus: Infl assigns case to the absolutive argument (@cite{scott-2023}, §3.3).

                                      Set A linearity: prefixal (per @cite{scott-2023} ch. 2; pan-Mayan).

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                                        Set B linearity: prefixal (HIGH-ABS Mam morphology; pre-stem on Infl, per @cite{scott-2023} §2.5.1).

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                                          Mam's extraction profile: AF morphology is productive in SJA Mam (@cite{scott-2023} §2.5.4.1 ex. 169 + §2.7.1 syntactic ergativity). The construction combines the antipassive suffix -(a)n with the AF-specific suffix -ta (e.g., b'yo-n-ta 'hit-AP-AF'), making SJA Mam's AF morphologically distinct from K'iche''s (which uses bare antipassive -n in AF contexts per @cite{mondloch-2017} Lesson 22 — no extra AF morpheme).

                                          For the cross-Mayan typology, we mark the strategy as dedicatedMorpheme (the descriptive surface category) to parallel Q'anjob'al/Kaqchikel/K'iche'. The analytical claim that AF is an SSAL repair (Erlewine-line) lives in Phenomena/FillerGap/Studies/Erlewine2016.lean; rival accounts (Coon-Mateo Pedro-Preminger absolutive licensing, Coon-Keine Feature Gluttony) are not encoded in the typology enum.

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                                            Set A 3SG marker is "t-" (the default singular Set A — syncretic with 2SG).

                                            Set B 1SG marker is "chin".

                                            Set B 3SG marker is the default "tz'=".