Zeijlstra (2012): There Is Only One Way to Agree #
This file formalizes [Zei12]'s proposal that Agree applies upward only: an element
carrying an uninterpretable feature is checked by the closest c-commanding element carrying the
matching interpretable feature (IsUpwardGoalIn), reversing the direction of
[Cho00]'s Agree, and several such elements may be checked by one goal at once
(MultipleAgree). The evidence is the concord phenomena, Negative Concord and Sequence of
Tense, whose configurations place one interpretable feature above one or more uninterpretable
ones. In Sequence of Tense, an abstract past operator carries [iPAST] and every finite past
morpheme, the matrix verb included, carries a vacuous [uPAST]; the matrix and the subordinate
verb of John said Mary was ill both Agree upward with the operator (sot_multipleAgree),
which no downward-probing Agree could establish (sot_not_downward). Agree across a phase
boundary requires the phase edge to participate: the corollary of phase theory that
distinguishes the two phenomena, since the embedding complementizer carries an uninterpretable
tense feature but no uninterpretable negative feature, so Sequence of Tense crosses the
clause boundary (sot_licit) while Negative Concord does not (nc_across_cp_illicit,
nc_clausemate_licit).
Implementation notes #
- Feature bearers are given by predicates on the leaves of a syntactic object, as the paper annotates its bracketings; the lexical items themselves carry only categories and selection.
- The phase-edge condition is stated for a phase head leaf through the substrate's phase domains: when the probe lies in the phase interior and the goal outside the phase, some element of the phase edge must carry the uninterpretable feature.
- The subordinate verb selects its subject as well as its predicate, so that the clause is a constituent the complementizer selects and projects over; the paper's bracketings leave the subject's position open.
- The semantics of the subordinate past morpheme as a relative non-future, which the paper leaves to later work, is not formalized.
References #
Upward Agree #
In upward Agree, goal, carrying the interpretable feature marked by pred, c-commands the
uninterpretable probe and is the closest such element, no other pred-node c-commanding the
probe being asymmetrically c-commanded by it.
Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.IsUpwardGoalIn root probe goal pred = (root.CCommands goal probe ∧ pred goal ∧ ∀ x ∈ root.terms, root.CCommands x probe → pred x → ¬root.AsymmCCommands goal x)
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Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
In Multiple Agree every probe in the list is checked by the same goal.
Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.MultipleAgree root goal probes pred = ∀ p ∈ probes, Zeijlstra2012.IsUpwardGoalIn root p goal pred
Instances For
Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.instDecidableMultipleAgreeOfDecidablePredSyntacticObject root goal probes = Zeijlstra2012.instDecidableMultipleAgreeOfDecidablePredSyntacticObject._aux_1 root goal probes
The phase-edge condition on Agree across a phase: with ℓ a phase head, a probe in the
phase interior may Agree with a goal outside the phase only if an element of the phase edge
carries the uninterpretable feature uF too.
Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.EdgeParticipates root probe goal uF ℓ = (probe ∈ root.phaseInterior ℓ → goal ∉ root.phase ℓ → ∃ e ∈ root.phaseEdge ℓ, uF e)
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Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Sequence of Tense #
The abstract past operator carrying [iPAST].
Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.opPast = ↑{ item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.T [Minimalist.Cat.V] "Op[PAST]", id := 1 }
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Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.john = ↑{ item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.D [] "John", id := 2 }
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The matrix verb, with its own vacuous [uPAST].
Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.said = ↑{ item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.V [Minimalist.Cat.C] "said", id := 3 }
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The embedding complementizer, carrying [uT].
Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.thatC = ↑{ item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.C [Minimalist.Cat.V] "that", id := 4 }
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Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.mary = ↑{ item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.D [] "Mary", id := 5 }
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The subordinate verb, with [uPAST], selecting its predicate and its subject.
Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.was = ↑{ item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.V [Minimalist.Cat.A, Minimalist.Cat.D] "was", id := 6 }
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Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.ill = ↑{ item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.A [] "ill", id := 7 }
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John said Mary was ill, with the past operator above both verbs.
Equations
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The bearers of [uPAST] or [uT] are both finite verbs and the complementizer.
Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.uPast s = (s = ↑Zeijlstra2012.said ∨ s = ↑Zeijlstra2012.was ∨ s = ↑Zeijlstra2012.thatC)
Instances For
Both past morphemes Agree upward with the single past operator.
Sequence of Tense crosses the clause boundary: the subordinate verb sits in the interior of the phase headed by the complementizer, which itself carries an uninterpretable tense feature and so lies in the participating edge.
Negative Concord #
Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.gianni = ↑{ item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.D [] "Gianni", id := 11 }
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The negative marker carrying [iNEG].
Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.non = ↑{ item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.Neg [Minimalist.Cat.T] "non", id := 12 }
Instances For
Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.ha = ↑{ item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.T [Minimalist.Cat.V] "ha", id := 13 }
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Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.detto = ↑{ item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.V [Minimalist.Cat.D] "detto", id := 14 }
Instances For
Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.dettoC = ↑{ item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.V [Minimalist.Cat.C] "detto", id := 15 }
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Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.niente = ↑{ item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.D [Minimalist.Cat.P] "niente", id := 16 }
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Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.a = ↑{ item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.P [Minimalist.Cat.D] "a", id := 17 }
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Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.nessuno = ↑{ item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.D [] "nessuno", id := 18 }
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The embedding complementizer, without any negative feature.
Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.che = ↑{ item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.C [Minimalist.Cat.T] "che", id := 19 }
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Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.ha₂ = ↑{ item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.T [Minimalist.Cat.V] "ha", id := 20 }
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Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.telefonato = ↑{ item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.V [Minimalist.Cat.P] "telefonato", id := 21 }
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Gianni non ha detto niente a nessuno has two n-words under one negative marker.
Equations
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Gianni non ha detto che ha telefonato a nessuno has the n-word inside an embedded clause.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The bearers of [uNEG], the n-words.
Equations
- Zeijlstra2012.uNeg s = (s = ↑Zeijlstra2012.niente ∨ s = ↑Zeijlstra2012.nessuno)
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Both n-words Agree upward with the negative marker.
Within the clause no complementizer heads a phase, so no phase edge intervenes.
Across the embedded clause the complementizer carries no negative feature, so the phase edge does not participate and the concord relation is blocked.