van Rooij (2011): Measurement and Interadjective Comparisons #
A measure is unique up to a group of transformations, and a statement about measures is meaningful when every such transformation preserves its truth. Van Rooij measures individual–adjective pairs on one scale, so that x is P-er than y is Q compares two values of a single measure, and asks which transformations that measure is unique up to when one transformation applies to every adjective: comparing pairs needs only a co-ordinal scale, a differential across adjectives a co-interval scale, and a factor across adjectives a co-ratio scale. If each adjective's scale is unique up to its own transformations, no comparison across adjectives is meaningful. Bale's universal degrees normalize each adjective's ranking, and so make even ratios across adjectives meaningful from merely ordinal measures, which van Rooij counts against them.
Main statements #
comparative_ordinalLevel,not_comparative_ordinal: x is P-er than y is Q survives one strictly increasing map applied to every adjective, but not a separate map per adjective.differential_cardinalFull,factor_ratioFull,not_factor_cardinalFull: a differential across adjectives holds up to a common change of unit and origin, a factor across adjectives up to a common change of unit, and not up to a change of origin.factor_universal_ordinal: read through universal degrees, a factor across adjectives survives a separate strictly increasing map per adjective.differenceComparative_cardinalUnit: comparing differences on two adjectives survives a common unit with a separate origin per adjective, the weaker co-interval scale of the paper's note 17.
Implementation notes #
- A measure on individual–adjective pairs is a profile of
SocialChoicewith adjectives as its individuals, following the paper's analogy with interpersonal comparisons of utility. The co-ordinal, co-interval and co-ratio scales are Sen's comparability classesordinalLevel,cardinalFullandratioFull, and separate scales per adjective areordinal. - Measures are real-valued, as in the paper; universal degrees are rational.
TODO #
- Section 2's choice structures, after van Benthem, and section 4.3's constructions of a co-ordinal scale from a choice function on pairs and from Klein's modifiers.
References #
The measure a profile assigns individual–adjective pairs.
Equations
- VanRooij2011.pairs v p = v p.1 p.2
Instances For
Comparisons across adjectives #
x is P-er than y is Q holds when the pair of x and P measures more than the pair of y
and Q.
Equations
- VanRooij2011.comparative x P y Q v = ((x, P) ∈ VanRooij2011.pairs v ⁻¹' Set.Ioi (VanRooij2011.pairs v (y, Q)))
Instances For
x is d-much P-er than y is Q.
Equations
- VanRooij2011.differential x P y Q d v = Degree.DifferentialComparative (VanRooij2011.pairs v) (x, P) (y, Q) d
Instances For
x is n times as P as y is Q.
Equations
- VanRooij2011.factor x P y Q n v = Degree.FactorEquative (VanRooij2011.pairs v) (x, P) (y, Q) n
Instances For
x is P-er than y by more than z is Q-er than w.
Equations
- VanRooij2011.differenceComparative x y P z w Q v = (VanRooij2011.pairs v (z, Q) - VanRooij2011.pairs v (w, Q) < VanRooij2011.pairs v (x, P) - VanRooij2011.pairs v (y, P))
Instances For
Comparing across adjectives needs only a co-ordinal scale.
With a separate strictly increasing map for each adjective, comparing across two adjectives is not meaningful.
A differential across adjectives holds up to a common change of unit and origin, once its amount is rescaled by the unit.
A factor across adjectives holds up to a common change of unit.
A factor across adjectives does not survive a common change of origin.
Comparing differences on two adjectives survives a common unit with a separate origin per adjective, since each origin cancels within its own difference; the paper defines this scale in note 17 without drawing the consequence.
Bale's universal degrees #
Bale's universal degrees of a profile on the comparison class C, adjective by adjective.
Equations
- VanRooij2011.universal v C x P = Degree.universalDegree (fun (x : X) => v x P) C x
Instances For
Universal degrees forget any strictly increasing map applied to an adjective's measure.
Read through universal degrees, x is n times as P as y is Q survives a separate strictly increasing map per adjective, so a ratio across adjectives becomes meaningful although each adjective's measure is only ordinal.
Universal degrees are not in general an affine function of a measure on a ratio scale, since heights of one, two and four give universal degrees of one third, two thirds and one.
Negative adjectives and multidimensional adjectives #
Measuring shortness as a fixed number minus height, after Sassoon, y is d shorter than x holds exactly when x is d taller than y, whatever the number.
Ratios of shortness are not meaningful, since shortnesses of six and two make one three times as short, and moving the origin by one makes the ratio five.
Aggregating the dimensions of a multidimensional adjective by a weighted sum is not
meaningful on a co-ordinal scale, unlike aggregating by the minimum
(SocialChoice.maximin_ordinalLevelInvariant).