Umbach (2004): On the Notion of Contrast in Information Structure and Discourse Structure #
This file formalizes [Umb04]'s decomposition of contrast. The alternatives a focus evokes
must be comparable, similar and dissimilar at once: following [Lan84]'s conditions on
coordination, no alternative subsumes another, SemanticallyIndependent, and a common
integrator subsumes them all, CommonIntegrator, together WellFormedAlts, which rules out
drink beside martini, (9a) and (10a), not_wellFormedAlts_of_subset, and keeps the singular
individuals out of the alternatives of a focused coordination, Krifka's problem. This is the
contrast of any focus, in the sense of [Roo92]. A contrastive focus in the sense of
[Cha76] and [EK98] adds exclusion, of which there are two varieties with different
presuppositions, (14): a contrastive focus presupposes that some alternative satisfies the
predicate and asserts that it is the focused one, excluding the others instead of it,
instead, whereas an only-phrase presupposes the focused alternative and excludes the others
in addition to it, inAddition, [Hor69]. The two convey the same total content,
instead_content_eq_inAddition_content, and differ in what they presuppose,
presupposition_inAddition_eq_assertion_instead. In discourse, but is focus-sensitive, (16), and
answers a conjunctive question by confirming one part and denying the other, (17), the
confirm+deny condition, ConfirmDeny: such an answer resolves the conjunctive question,
mem_polar_inf_polar_of_confirmDeny, and its content is that of the corresponding
only-phrase, (19) and (20), confirmDeny_content_eq_inAddition. CONTRAST and CORRECTION,
(24) and (25), differ as the two exclusions do: the contrastive but excludes the second
alternative in addition to the first, contrastBut, the corrective but, German sondern,
excludes the first alternative instead of the second, correctionBut, with the same assertion
and different licensing contexts, contrastBut_content_eq_correctionBut_content,
presupposition_contrastBut, presupposition_correctionBut.
Implementation notes #
Alternatives are propositions, sets of worlds, and a predicate over a set of alternatives is a
function to propositions; the presupposition of a contrastive focus is taken in the strengthened
form of footnote 8, that exactly one alternative satisfies the predicate. The implicit question
of a but-sentence is the meet of the polar questions of its conjuncts, following
[Rob98]'s implicit questions. The double-contrast cases (22) and the it-cleft data are
recorded as rows only. The examples are the rows of Data.Examples.Umbach2004.
TODO #
Footnote 12 observes that the contrastive counterfactual (24c), read as a no-yes sequence,
presupposes the second conjunct and prefers the yes-no reading; presupposition_contrastBut
follows the main text.
References #
Similarity plus dissimilarity #
Two alternatives are semantically independent when neither subsumes the other.
Equations
- Umbach2004.SemanticallyIndependent a b = (¬a ⊆ b ∧ ¬b ⊆ a)
Instances For
A common integrator subsumes every alternative.
Equations
- Umbach2004.CommonIntegrator alts integ = ∀ a ∈ alts, a ⊆ integ
Instances For
A well-formed alternative set is similar, under a common integrator, and dissimilar, pairwise semantically independent.
Equations
- Umbach2004.WellFormedAlts alts integ = (Umbach2004.CommonIntegrator alts integ ∧ alts.Pairwise Umbach2004.SemanticallyIndependent)
Instances For
An alternative subsuming another is not independent of it.
(9a), (10a): an alternative set containing an alternative and one it subsumes is not well-formed under any integrator.
(9b): two disjoint non-empty alternatives under their union are well-formed.
Two varieties of exclusion #
A presupposition with an assertion.
- presupposition : Set W
- assertion : Set W
Instances For
The alternatives other than the focused one satisfy the predicate nowhere.
Equations
- Umbach2004.noOther P A a = ⋂ x ∈ A \ {a}, (P x)ᶜ
Instances For
(14a): a contrastive focus presupposes that exactly one alternative satisfies the predicate and asserts that it is the focused one, excluding the others instead of it.
Equations
- Umbach2004.instead P A a = { presupposition := ⋃ x ∈ A, P x ∩ Umbach2004.noOther P A x, assertion := P a }
Instances For
(14b): an only-phrase presupposes the focused alternative and asserts that no other alternative satisfies the predicate, excluding the others in addition to it.
Equations
- Umbach2004.inAddition P A a = { presupposition := P a, assertion := Umbach2004.noOther P A a }
Instances For
The two exclusions convey the same content: the focused alternative and no other.
The only-phrase presupposes what the contrastive focus asserts, that the focused alternative satisfies the predicate.
The discourse relation CONTRAST #
(17): the confirm+deny condition on a but-sentence answering the conjunctive question of
q₁ and q₂: the first conjunct confirms q₁ and the second denies q₂.
Equations
- Umbach2004.ConfirmDeny q₁ q₂ c₁ c₂ = (c₁ ⊆ q₁ ∧ c₂ ⊆ q₂ᶜ)
Instances For
(17b–d): confirming or denying both parts violates the condition whenever the parts hold somewhere; a but-sentence is no answer to a question it confirms twice.
A confirm+deny answer resolves the implicit conjunctive question, the meet of the two polar questions, (18).
(19), (20): the content of a confirm+deny but-sentence is the content of the only-phrase over the two alternatives, John cleaned the ROOM but not the DISHES and John only cleaned the ROOM.
CONTRAST and CORRECTION #
(24a): the contrastive but, John didn't go to Berlin but he went to Paris, confirms the second alternative and excludes the first in addition to it.
Equations
- Umbach2004.contrastBut P a b = Umbach2004.inAddition P {a, b} a
Instances For
(25a): the corrective but, German sondern, John didn't go to Berlin but to Paris, excludes the first alternative instead of the second.
Equations
- Umbach2004.correctionBut P a b = Umbach2004.instead P {a, b} a
Instances For
Contrast and correction convey the same assertion, that John did not go to Berlin and did go to Paris.
(24c): the contexts licensing a contrast are those where the confirmed alternative holds, whether or not the denied one does too.
(25c): the contexts licensing a correction are those where exactly one of the two alternatives holds, the denied one instead of the confirmed one or the other way around.