Steedman (2000): The Syntactic Process #
In Steedman's combinatory categorial grammar the slash directions of lexical categories fix word order, and composition and type-raising make strings such as a subject and a transitive verb into constituents. This file derives the book's analyses of non-constituent coordination, gapping, Dutch cross-serial dependencies, scope in verb clusters and intonational phrasing over the library's CCG, and interprets the derivations over a toy English model.
Main statements #
nonConstituentCoord_eq_spelledOut: "John sees and Mary eats pizza" has the truth conditions of its spelled-out paraphrase.gapping_acceptable_iff: Ross's generalization over the book's gapping examples. The raised arguments of a verb-final verb compose into a rightward-looking cluster and those of a verb-initial verb into a leftward-looking one, so verb-final clauses gap backward and the others forward, SVO clauses over the verb-initial verb the revealing rule exposes.inverse_acceptable_iff_available: an inverse scope reading is acceptable in the book's examples exactly when some derivation lets the quantified object combine with a constituent containing the tensed verb.theme_rheme_clash: a theme accent and a rheme accent do not unify, so the tune forces the phrasing "(ANNA married)(MANNY)".
Implementation notes #
- Type-raising and coordination are lexical in the library's CCG, so the book's raising rules
appear as raised entries and its coordination rule
<Φ>as a conjunction of category(X\⋆X)/⋆X. A raised name denotes the Montague lift, and coordination atS/NPis Partee and Rooth's generalized conjunction. - The toy categories drop the book's features (subordination, case, agreement), so Dutch
crossed composition is restricted to
VPcomplements rather than the book'sVP_{-SUB}. - The revealing rule (61) is a unary decomposition outside the binary derivations, so it enters
only as the condition on the categories it reveals (
RevealedResidue). - The tunes follow Pierrehumbert's decomposition of an intonation phrase into pitch accent,
phrase accent and boundary tone, which Beckman and Pierrehumbert supply (
ipToTune).
References #
Categories #
The atomic categories of the toy English fragment, without the book's features.
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- Steedman2000.instReprAtom.repr Steedman2000.Atom.S prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Steedman2000.Atom.S")).group prec✝
- Steedman2000.instReprAtom.repr Steedman2000.Atom.NP prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Steedman2000.Atom.NP")).group prec✝
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- Steedman2000.instReprAtom = { reprPrec := Steedman2000.instReprAtom.repr }
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- Steedman2000.instDecidableEqAtom x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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The intransitive verb category S\NP, the book's VP.
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The transitive verb category (S\NP)/NP.
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The semantic type of an atom, truth values for sentences and entities for noun phrases.
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Word order #
Slash direction encodes word order: TV = (S\NP)/NP looks right for the object and the
resulting S\NP left for the subject, which enforces SVO.
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Non-constituent coordination #
The type-raised subject "John" is a lexical leaf of category S/(S\NP).
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"John sees" is the type-raised subject composed with the transitive verb, a constituent of
category S/NP.
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conj c is the category (c \⋆ c) /⋆ c of a conjunction coordinating constituents of
category c. Its star slashes confine it to application.
Equations
- Steedman2000.conj c = (c.lslash CCG.Modality.star c).rslash CCG.Modality.star c
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"John sees and Mary eats" coordinates two S/NP constituents through the lexical
conjunction, as in the book's "Anna married, and I detest".
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The derivation spells out the full surface string, coordinator included.
semLexicon interprets the toy English fragment. It gives meanings to names, type-raised
names, verbs, and conjunctions at S and at S/NP.
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- Steedman2000.semLexicon "John" (CCG.Cat.atom Steedman2000.Atom.NP) = some HeimKratzer.ToyEntity.john
- Steedman2000.semLexicon "Mary" (CCG.Cat.atom Steedman2000.Atom.NP) = some HeimKratzer.ToyEntity.mary
- Steedman2000.semLexicon "pizza" (CCG.Cat.atom Steedman2000.Atom.NP) = some HeimKratzer.ToyEntity.pizza
- Steedman2000.semLexicon "book" (CCG.Cat.atom Steedman2000.Atom.NP) = some HeimKratzer.ToyEntity.book
- Steedman2000.semLexicon "sleeps" ((CCG.Cat.atom Steedman2000.Atom.S).lslash a (CCG.Cat.atom Steedman2000.Atom.NP)) = some HeimKratzer.Toy.sleeps
- Steedman2000.semLexicon "laughs" ((CCG.Cat.atom Steedman2000.Atom.S).lslash a (CCG.Cat.atom Steedman2000.Atom.NP)) = some HeimKratzer.Toy.laughs
- Steedman2000.semLexicon word cat = none
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"John sees Mary" with a type-raised subject produces the same truth value as the canonical derivation.
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At each entity the coordinated S/NP predicate is the conjunction of the two conjoined
predicates.
The spelled-out paraphrase is "John sees pizza and Mary eats pizza".
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The non-constituent coordination and its spelled-out paraphrase receive the same truth conditions, since the composed derivation yields the canonical predicate-argument structure.
A lexicon in which sentence p is true and q false, with the English coordinators
interpreted by the Boolean operation of their role.
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- Steedman2000.pqLex "p" (CCG.Cat.atom Steedman2000.Atom.S) = some True
- Steedman2000.pqLex "q" (CCG.Cat.atom Steedman2000.Atom.S) = some False
- Steedman2000.pqLex w c = none
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With a true and a false conjunct, coordination by and and by or receive different
truth values, so the coordinator is part of a derivation's truth conditions.
Gapping #
The arguments of a verb, raised order-preservingly over the functions that seek them, compose into a cluster that coordinates with other clusters and then combines with the verb. Over a verb-final verb the cluster looks rightward for it, so the verb follows the coordinated clusters (backward gapping); over a verb-initial verb it looks leftward (forward gapping); over a verb-medial verb the arguments raise in opposite directions and form no cluster.
raiseArg c raises the argument of the function category c order-preservingly over
c. The argument of X\A raises to X/(X\A) and that of X/A to X\(X/A).
Equations
- Steedman2000.raiseArg (x_1.lslash a a_1) = some (a_1.forwardTypeRaise x_1)
- Steedman2000.raiseArg (x_1.rslash a a_1) = some (a_1.backwardTypeRaise x_1)
- Steedman2000.raiseArg (CCG.Cat.atom a) = none
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hcomp is harmonic composition, the order-preserving rules >B and <B.
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- Steedman2000.hcomp (x_2.rslash a y) (y'.rslash n z) = if y = y' then some (x_2.rslash n z) else none
- Steedman2000.hcomp (y'.lslash n z) (x_2.lslash a y) = if y = y' then some (x_2.lslash n z) else none
- Steedman2000.hcomp x✝¹ x✝ = none
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cluster v is the category of the argument cluster over the transitive verb category
v. The verb's two arguments are raised over the functions that seek them and composed
harmonically, in whichever order the rules allow.
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- Steedman2000.cluster (x_1.lslash a a_1) = do let r₁ ← Steedman2000.raiseArg x_1 let r₂ ← Steedman2000.raiseArg (x_1.lslash a a_1) Steedman2000.hcomp r₁ r₂ <|> Steedman2000.hcomp r₂ r₁
- Steedman2000.cluster (x_1.rslash a a_1) = do let r₁ ← Steedman2000.raiseArg x_1 let r₂ ← Steedman2000.raiseArg (x_1.rslash a a_1) Steedman2000.hcomp r₁ r₂ <|> Steedman2000.hcomp r₂ r₁
- Steedman2000.cluster (CCG.Cat.atom a) = none
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The verb-final transitive verb category (S\NP)\NP, the book's tazuneta (chapter 7
(2)).
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The verb-initial transitive verb category (S/NP)/NP, the book's chonaic (chapter 7
(17)), which Dutch main-clause verbs share and which English gapping reveals.
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Over a verb-final verb the cluster looks rightward for the verb (chapter 7 (3b)).
Over a verb-initial verb the cluster looks leftward (chapter 7 (18b)).
A verb-medial verb has no cluster, since its arguments raise in opposite directions and no harmonic rule composes them.
The backward-gapped conjunct "Ken-ga Naomi-o" of chapter 7 (3b), by forward raising and forward composition.
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The forward-gapped English conjunct "Warren, potatoes" of chapter 7 (67), a cluster over a virtual verb-initial verb, by backward raising and backward composition.
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Ross's generalization over the basic orders #
The transitive verb category of the basic order a, whose slash for each argument looks to
the edge of the verb on which a puts it, the object first as in the English (S\NP)/NP. Which
argument comes first matters to the category only when the two slashes look different ways.
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The two directions of gapping. Forward gapping keeps the verb in the first conjunct and backward gapping in the last.
- forward : GappingDirection
- backward : GappingDirection
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- Steedman2000.instDecidableEqGappingDirection x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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The direction of gapping over the verb category v, read off the cluster of its arguments,
is backward when the cluster looks rightward for the verb and forward when it looks leftward.
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Ross's generalization for every basic order. As chapter 7 (77) restates it, the direction of gapping follows the direction in which the verb combines, so verb-final orders gap backward and verb-initial orders forward, while a verb-medial verb has no argument cluster.
The revealing rule #
RightwardInto t c holds when c is t or a rightward function into t, a member of the
book's t/$.
Equations
- Steedman2000.RightwardInto t (a.rslash a_1 a_2) = (a.rslash a_1 a_2 = t ∨ Steedman2000.RightwardInto t a)
- Steedman2000.RightwardInto t x✝ = (x✝ = t)
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RightwardInto t is decided by recursion on the category.
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- Steedman2000.RightwardInto.decidable t (x_1.rslash m y) = { decide := decide (x_1.rslash m y = t) || decide (Steedman2000.RightwardInto t x_1), reflects_decide := ⋯ }
- Steedman2000.RightwardInto.decidable t (x_1.lslash m y) = Steedman2000.RightwardInto.decidable._aux_2 t x_1 m y
- Steedman2000.RightwardInto.decidable t (CCG.Cat.atom a) = Steedman2000.RightwardInto.decidable._aux_4 t a
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The virtual conjunct-revealing rule of chapter 7 (61) decomposes a sentence into a revealed
Y = S/$ and the residue S\Y. RevealedResidue c says c is such a residue.
Equations
- Steedman2000.RevealedResidue (x_1.lslash a y) = (x_1 = Steedman2000.S ∧ Steedman2000.RightwardInto Steedman2000.S y)
- Steedman2000.RevealedResidue x✝ = False
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- Steedman2000.instDecidablePredCatAtomRevealedResidue (x_1.rslash a a_1) = isFalse ⋯
- Steedman2000.instDecidablePredCatAtomRevealedResidue (CCG.Cat.atom a) = isFalse ⋯
The revealing rule exposes exactly the verb-initial transitive verbs, since its revealed
category is S/$. An SVO clause, whose own verb has no argument cluster, therefore gaps over a
virtual verb-initial verb, as English does in chapter 7 (62).
A clause of basic order a gaps in the direction of the cluster over its verb, or, when the
verb has none, in that of the cluster over the verb-initial verb the revealing rule exposes.
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The gapping examples of chapter 7.
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- Steedman2000.gappingData = List.filter (fun (x : Datum) => decide (x.feature? "phenomenon" = some "gapping")) Steedman2000.Examples.all
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In every gapping example of chapter 7, the construction is acceptable exactly when it gaps in the direction its clause's basic order predicts.
Other elliptical constructions #
The book's elliptical constructions.
- gapping : EllipsisType
"Dexter eats bread, and Warren, potatoes" (chapter 7 (62)).
- stripping : EllipsisType
"Dexter ran away, and Warren (too)" (chapter 7 (78a)).
- sluicing : EllipsisType
"Dexter did something with the beans, but I don't know what" (chapter 7 (84a)).
- vpEllipsis : EllipsisType
"Somebody has to do the job, but I know that I won't" (chapter 7 (84b)).
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- Steedman2000.instDecidableEqEllipsisType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Steedman2000.instReprEllipsisType = { reprPrec := Steedman2000.instReprEllipsisType.repr }
The category of the right conjunct each construction coordinates with a full sentence, as in the gapped "Warren, potatoes" (67), the stripped "Warren" (81), and the sluiced and VP-elided conjuncts (84).
Equations
- Steedman2000.elidedConjunct Steedman2000.EllipsisType.gapping = Steedman2000.S.lslash CCG.Modality.dot Steedman2000.vsoTV
- Steedman2000.elidedConjunct Steedman2000.EllipsisType.stripping = Steedman2000.S.lslash CCG.Modality.dot (Steedman2000.S.rslash CCG.Modality.dot Steedman2000.NP)
- Steedman2000.elidedConjunct Steedman2000.EllipsisType.sluicing = Steedman2000.S.rslash CCG.Modality.dot (Steedman2000.S.rslash CCG.Modality.dot Steedman2000.NP)
- Steedman2000.elidedConjunct Steedman2000.EllipsisType.vpEllipsis = Steedman2000.S.rslash CCG.Modality.dot Steedman2000.IV
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Gapping and stripping are mediated by the combinatory syntax, since the revealing rule decomposes the left conjunct into a residue of their right conjunct's category to coordinate with. Sluicing and VP ellipsis are not, since their conjuncts look rightward, and the book leaves them to an anaphoric mechanism.
Cross-serial dependencies #
In the Dutch fragment of chapter 6 a subordinate-clause raising verb takes its NP arguments leftward and its infinitival complement rightward (12), and the one crossing rule, forward crossed composition restricted to VP complements (14), builds the verb cluster, so the NPs precede the whole cluster in the cross-serial order.
The rules of the Dutch fragment are application and the Dutch forward crossed composition
of chapter 6 (14), X/Y (Y\Z)$ ⇒ (X\Z)$ with Y = VP.
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- Steedman2000.dutchRules x✝ a β = (β = [] ∨ a.side = Edge.right ∧ a.cat = Steedman2000.IV ∧ Option.map (fun (x : CCG.Cat.Arg Steedman2000.Atom) => x.side) β.head? = some Edge.left)
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The lexicon of chapter 6 (12), without the book's subordination feature. zag 'saw' and
helpen 'help' take their infinitival complement rightward and their NP arguments leftward.
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In "(dat) ik Cecilia de nijlpaarden zag voeren" (chapter 6 (15)) zag crossed-composes with
voeren, and the NPs combine with the cluster by backward application.
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In "(dat) ik Cecilia Henk de nijlpaarden zag helpen voeren" (chapter 6 (16)) helpen
crossed-composes with voeren and zag with the result at degree 2, so each NP is the argument
of the verb in the same position of the cluster, the cross-serial dependency.
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Both cross-serial sentences are derived from the lexicon.
The restriction of crossed composition to VP complements keeps a raised argument from crossed-composing into a verb, as chapter 6 notes of (14).
Verb clusters and quantifier scope #
A quantified argument takes scope over the tensed verb when it combines, as a functor, with a constituent containing that verb (chapter 6, on (96) and (97)). In the verb-raising order the verbs compose into such a constituent first. In the verb-projection-raising order the quantified object must combine with the embedded verb before anything combines with the tensed one, so it never takes the tensed verb in its scope, though the tensed verb can still compose.
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- Steedman2000.instDecidableEqVerbOrder x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Steedman2000.instReprVerbOrder = { reprPrec := Steedman2000.instReprVerbOrder.repr }
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The node ru over daughters spelling out u and w has a primary functor spelling out q
and a secondary containing v.
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- Steedman2000.FunctorOver q v (CCG.Rule.forward β h) x✝¹ x✝ = (x✝¹ = q ∧ v ∈ x✝)
- Steedman2000.FunctorOver q v (CCG.Rule.backward β h) x✝¹ x✝ = (x✝ = q ∧ v ∈ x✝¹)
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- Steedman2000.instDecidableFunctorOver q v (CCG.Rule.forward β h) x✝¹ x✝ = { decide := decide (x✝¹ = q) && decide (v ∈ x✝), reflects_decide := ⋯ }
- Steedman2000.instDecidableFunctorOver q v (CCG.Rule.backward β h) x✝¹ x✝ = { decide := decide (x✝ = q) && decide (v ∈ x✝¹), reflects_decide := ⋯ }
ScopesOver q v d holds when some node of d combines a functor spelling out q with a
constituent containing v, the configuration in which q takes scope over v.
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- Steedman2000.ScopesOver q v (CCG.Derivation.lex t x✝) = False
- Steedman2000.ScopesOver q v (CCG.Derivation.node ru d₁ d₂) = (Steedman2000.FunctorOver q v ru d₁.yield d₂.yield ∨ Steedman2000.ScopesOver q v d₁ ∨ Steedman2000.ScopesOver q v d₂)
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- Steedman2000.ScopesOver.decidable q v (CCG.Derivation.lex t x✝) = isFalse ⋯
ScopesOver q v d needs both q and v among the words of d.
The verbs and the quantified object of the Dutch examples (99). The tensed equi verb "probeert" 'tries' takes its infinitival complement rightward, "te zingen" 'to sing' its object leftward, and "veel liederen" 'many songs' is raised order-preservingly over the verbs that take it leftward.
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The string of the example (99) in each verb order.
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- Steedman2000.orderString Steedman2000.VerbOrder.verbRaising = ["veel liederen", "probeert", "te zingen"]
- Steedman2000.orderString Steedman2000.VerbOrder.verbProjectionRaising = ["probeert", "veel liederen", "te zingen"]
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The quantified object takes scope over the tensed verb "probeert".
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- Steedman2000.ObjectOutscopesTense d = Steedman2000.ScopesOver ["veel liederen"] "probeert" d
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The inverse reading of the order o is available when some derivation of its string over
the lexicon lets the quantified object take scope over the tensed verb.
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In the verb-raising order (99a) the cluster "probeert te zingen" forms by crossed composition and the raised object applies to it.
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In the verb-projection-raising order (99b) the tensed verb can compose with the raised object, but then the object is the tensed verb's secondary, not a functor over it.
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Composition is not what licenses wide scope: the composed verb-projection-raising derivation has a composition node, yet the object does not take scope over the tensed verb.
In the verb-projection-raising order no derivation, in any rule system, lets the quantified object take scope over the tensed verb: the object can be a functor only over "te zingen", since its category looks rightward.
The inverse reading is available in the verb-raising order and in no other.
scopeData pairs each scope example's word order with the judgment on its inverse
reading, on which the quantified object outscopes the tensed verb.
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The inverse reading is acceptable exactly where some derivation lets the quantified object combine with a constituent containing the tensed verb, in every judgment of the book's examples (96) to (100), credited in the data to [Bay96], [Kay98], [HvR86] and [Hae92].
The data hold a verb-projection-raising example whose inverse reading is rejected, so the account's restriction is tested.
Intonation and information structure #
Alternative derivations of one string are alternative information structures, disambiguated by tune: "(ANNA married)(MANNY)" (chapter 5 (14)) carves the composed derivation into a theme and a rheme, and its mirror "(ANNA)(married MANNY)" (13) the applicative one. Prosodic phrases are tune-marked constituents, so only constituents of the grammar can be phrases, the Sense Unit Condition of [Sel84].
The accents of "(ANNA married)(MANNY)" are a theme accent on "Anna" and a rheme accent on "Manny", with "married" unaccented.
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"ANNA married" is the composed theme constituent, of category S/NP.
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The theme constituent projects θ, since the theme accent on "Anna" unifies with
unaccented "married".
The rheme "MANNY" projects ρ.
Folding the rheme into the theme's constituent clashes. The whole sentence projects no single marking, so the tune forces the phrasing "[Anna married][Manny]".
The mirror answer "(ANNA)(married MANNY)" of chapter 5 (13) has a rheme accent on "Anna" and a theme accent on "Manny".
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Under the mirror tune the theme is the applicative constituent "married MANNY", while the composed "ANNA married" of (14) carries the rheme, so the tune selects the derivation.
The utterance consists of two tune-marked phrases.
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The information structure extracted from the utterance has the S/NP constituent
"ANNA married" as theme and "MANNY" as rheme.
Truth conditions #
Derivations interpreted compositionally over the toy model: a true sentence and a false one.
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The tune terminal as an intonation-phrase terminal #
ipToTune ip accent is the tune with pitch accent accent whose terminal contour is the
final phrase accent and boundary tone of the intonation phrase ip.
Equations
- Steedman2000.ipToTune ip accent = { accent := accent, terminal := ip.terminalContour }
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A declarative intonation phrase has an L phrase accent and an L% boundary.
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A continuation-rise intonation phrase has an L phrase accent and an H% boundary.
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A declarative intonation phrase with an H* accent is the rheme tune, and a continuation-rise phrase with an L+H* accent the theme tune.