Documentation

Studies.Steedman2000

Steedman (2000): The Syntactic Process #

In Steedman's combinatory categorial grammar the slash directions of lexical categories fix word order, and composition and type-raising make strings such as a subject and a transitive verb into constituents. This file derives the book's analyses of non-constituent coordination, gapping, Dutch cross-serial dependencies, scope in verb clusters and intonational phrasing over the library's CCG, and interprets the derivations over a toy English model.

Main statements #

Implementation notes #

References #

Categories #

The atomic categories of the toy English fragment, without the book's features.

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    def Steedman2000.instReprAtom.repr :
    Atom → ℕ → Std.Format
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      The intransitive verb category S\NP, the book's VP.

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        The semantic type of an atom, truth values for sentences and entities for noun phrases.

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          Word order #

          Slash direction encodes word order: TV = (S\NP)/NP looks right for the object and the resulting S\NP left for the subject, which enforces SVO.

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            Non-constituent coordination #

            "John sees" is the type-raised subject composed with the transitive verb, a constituent of category S/NP.

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              conj c is the category (c \⋆ c) /⋆ c of a conjunction coordinating constituents of category c. Its star slashes confine it to application.

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                "John sees and Mary eats" coordinates two S/NP constituents through the lexical conjunction, as in the book's "Anna married, and I detest".

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                  theorem Steedman2000.john_sees_and_mary_eats_pizza_yield :
                  john_sees_and_mary_eats_pizza.yield = ["John", "sees", "and", "Mary", "eats", "pizza"]

                  The derivation spells out the full surface string, coordinator included.

                  "John sees Mary" with a type-raised subject produces the same truth value as the canonical derivation.

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                    At each entity the coordinated S/NP predicate is the conjunction of the two conjoined predicates.

                    The spelled-out paraphrase is "John sees pizza and Mary eats pizza".

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                      The non-constituent coordination and its spelled-out paraphrase receive the same truth conditions, since the composed derivation yields the canonical predicate-argument structure.

                      A lexicon in which sentence p is true and q false, with the English coordinators interpreted by the Boolean operation of their role.

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                        Gapping #

                        The arguments of a verb, raised order-preservingly over the functions that seek them, compose into a cluster that coordinates with other clusters and then combines with the verb. Over a verb-final verb the cluster looks rightward for it, so the verb follows the coordinated clusters (backward gapping); over a verb-initial verb it looks leftward (forward gapping); over a verb-medial verb the arguments raise in opposite directions and form no cluster.

                        raiseArg c raises the argument of the function category c order-preservingly over c. The argument of X\A raises to X/(X\A) and that of X/A to X\(X/A).

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                          hcomp is harmonic composition, the order-preserving rules >B and <B.

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                            cluster v is the category of the argument cluster over the transitive verb category v. The verb's two arguments are raised over the functions that seek them and composed harmonically, in whichever order the rules allow.

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                              The verb-final transitive verb category (S\NP)\NP, the book's tazuneta (chapter 7 (2)).

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                                The verb-initial transitive verb category (S/NP)/NP, the book's chonaic (chapter 7 (17)), which Dutch main-clause verbs share and which English gapping reveals.

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                                  Over a verb-final verb the cluster looks rightward for the verb (chapter 7 (3b)).

                                  Over a verb-initial verb the cluster looks leftward (chapter 7 (18b)).

                                  A verb-medial verb has no cluster, since its arguments raise in opposite directions and no harmonic rule composes them.

                                  The backward-gapped conjunct "Ken-ga Naomi-o" of chapter 7 (3b), by forward raising and forward composition.

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                                    The forward-gapped English conjunct "Warren, potatoes" of chapter 7 (67), a cluster over a virtual verb-initial verb, by backward raising and backward composition.

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                                      Ross's generalization over the basic orders #

                                      The transitive verb category of the basic order a, whose slash for each argument looks to the edge of the verb on which a puts it, the object first as in the English (S\NP)/NP. Which argument comes first matters to the category only when the two slashes look different ways.

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                                        The two directions of gapping. Forward gapping keeps the verb in the first conjunct and backward gapping in the last.

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                                            The direction of gapping over the verb category v, read off the cluster of its arguments, is backward when the cluster looks rightward for the verb and forward when it looks leftward.

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                                              Ross's generalization for every basic order. As chapter 7 (77) restates it, the direction of gapping follows the direction in which the verb combines, so verb-final orders gap backward and verb-initial orders forward, while a verb-medial verb has no argument cluster.

                                              The revealing rule #

                                              RightwardInto t c holds when c is t or a rightward function into t, a member of the book's t/$.

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                                                RightwardInto t is decided by recursion on the category.

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                                                  The virtual conjunct-revealing rule of chapter 7 (61) decomposes a sentence into a revealed Y = S/$ and the residue S\Y. RevealedResidue c says c is such a residue.

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                                                    The revealing rule exposes exactly the verb-initial transitive verbs, since its revealed category is S/$. An SVO clause, whose own verb has no argument cluster, therefore gaps over a virtual verb-initial verb, as English does in chapter 7 (62).

                                                    A clause of basic order a gaps in the direction of the cluster over its verb, or, when the verb has none, in that of the cluster over the verb-initial verb the revealing rule exposes.

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                                                      The gapping examples of chapter 7.

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                                                        theorem Steedman2000.gapping_acceptable_iff (ex : Datum) :
                                                        ex ∈ gappingData → (ex.judgment = Judgment.acceptable ↔ ex.parse? "gappingDirection" [("forward", GappingDirection.forward), ("backward", GappingDirection.backward)] = ((ex.feature? "wordOrder").bind WordOrder.Arrangement.ofLabel?).bind predictedDirection)

                                                        In every gapping example of chapter 7, the construction is acceptable exactly when it gaps in the direction its clause's basic order predicts.

                                                        Other elliptical constructions #

                                                        The book's elliptical constructions.

                                                        • gapping : EllipsisType

                                                          "Dexter eats bread, and Warren, potatoes" (chapter 7 (62)).

                                                        • stripping : EllipsisType

                                                          "Dexter ran away, and Warren (too)" (chapter 7 (78a)).

                                                        • sluicing : EllipsisType

                                                          "Dexter did something with the beans, but I don't know what" (chapter 7 (84a)).

                                                        • vpEllipsis : EllipsisType

                                                          "Somebody has to do the job, but I know that I won't" (chapter 7 (84b)).

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                                                            Gapping and stripping are mediated by the combinatory syntax, since the revealing rule decomposes the left conjunct into a residue of their right conjunct's category to coordinate with. Sluicing and VP ellipsis are not, since their conjuncts look rightward, and the book leaves them to an anaphoric mechanism.

                                                            Cross-serial dependencies #

                                                            In the Dutch fragment of chapter 6 a subordinate-clause raising verb takes its NP arguments leftward and its infinitival complement rightward (12), and the one crossing rule, forward crossed composition restricted to VP complements (14), builds the verb cluster, so the NPs precede the whole cluster in the cross-serial order.

                                                            The rules of the Dutch fragment are application and the Dutch forward crossed composition of chapter 6 (14), X/Y (Y\Z)$ ⇒ (X\Z)$ with Y = VP.

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                                                              instance Steedman2000.instDecidableDutchRules (x : CCG.Cat Atom) (a : CCG.Cat.Arg Atom) (β : List (CCG.Cat.Arg Atom)) :
                                                              Decidable (dutchRules x a β)
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                                                              def Steedman2000.dutchLexicon :
                                                              List (String × CCG.Cat Atom)

                                                              The lexicon of chapter 6 (12), without the book's subordination feature. zag 'saw' and helpen 'help' take their infinitival complement rightward and their NP arguments leftward.

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                                                                In "(dat) ik Cecilia de nijlpaarden zag voeren" (chapter 6 (15)) zag crossed-composes with voeren, and the NPs combine with the cluster by backward application.

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                                                                  In "(dat) ik Cecilia Henk de nijlpaarden zag helpen voeren" (chapter 6 (16)) helpen crossed-composes with voeren and zag with the result at degree 2, so each NP is the argument of the verb in the same position of the cluster, the cross-serial dependency.

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                                                                    theorem Steedman2000.crossSerial_derived :
                                                                    (CCG.Derivation.LexIn dutchLexicon zagVoeren ∧ zagVoeren.yield = ["ik", "Cecilia", "de nijlpaarden", "zag", "voeren"]) ∧ CCG.Derivation.LexIn dutchLexicon zagHelpenVoeren ∧ zagHelpenVoeren.yield = ["ik", "Cecilia", "Henk", "de nijlpaarden", "zag", "helpen", "voeren"]

                                                                    Both cross-serial sentences are derived from the lexicon.

                                                                    The restriction of crossed composition to VP complements keeps a raised argument from crossed-composing into a verb, as chapter 6 notes of (14).

                                                                    Verb clusters and quantifier scope #

                                                                    A quantified argument takes scope over the tensed verb when it combines, as a functor, with a constituent containing that verb (chapter 6, on (96) and (97)). In the verb-raising order the verbs compose into such a constituent first. In the verb-projection-raising order the quantified object must combine with the embedded verb before anything combines with the tensed one, so it never takes the tensed verb in its scope, though the tensed verb can still compose.

                                                                    VerbOrder is the word order of a West Germanic verb cluster.

                                                                    • verbRaising : VerbOrder

                                                                      The object precedes the whole verb cluster.

                                                                    • verbProjectionRaising : VerbOrder

                                                                      The object follows the matrix verb.

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                                                                        def Steedman2000.FunctorOver {R : CCG.RuleSystem Atom} {l r c : CCG.Cat Atom} (q : List String) (v : String) :
                                                                        CCG.Rule R l r c → List String → List String → Prop

                                                                        The node ru over daughters spelling out u and w has a primary functor spelling out q and a secondary containing v.

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                                                                          instance Steedman2000.instDecidableFunctorOver {R : CCG.RuleSystem Atom} {l r c : CCG.Cat Atom} (q : List String) (v : String) (ru : CCG.Rule R l r c) (u w : List String) :
                                                                          Decidable (FunctorOver q v ru u w)
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                                                                          def Steedman2000.ScopesOver {R : CCG.RuleSystem Atom} (q : List String) (v : String) {c : CCG.Cat Atom} :
                                                                          CCG.Derivation String R c → Prop

                                                                          ScopesOver q v d holds when some node of d combines a functor spelling out q with a constituent containing v, the configuration in which q takes scope over v.

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                                                                            instance Steedman2000.ScopesOver.decidable {R : CCG.RuleSystem Atom} (q : List String) (v : String) {c : CCG.Cat Atom} (d : CCG.Derivation String R c) :
                                                                            Decidable (ScopesOver q v d)
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                                                                            theorem Steedman2000.ScopesOver.mem_yield {R : CCG.RuleSystem Atom} {q : List String} {v : String} {c : CCG.Cat Atom} {d : CCG.Derivation String R c} (h : ScopesOver q v d) :
                                                                            (∀ x ∈ q, x ∈ d.yield) ∧ v ∈ d.yield

                                                                            ScopesOver q v d needs both q and v among the words of d.

                                                                            def Steedman2000.scopeLexicon :
                                                                            List (String × CCG.Cat Atom)

                                                                            The verbs and the quantified object of the Dutch examples (99). The tensed equi verb "probeert" 'tries' takes its infinitival complement rightward, "te zingen" 'to sing' its object leftward, and "veel liederen" 'many songs' is raised order-preservingly over the verbs that take it leftward.

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                                                                              def Steedman2000.orderString :
                                                                              VerbOrder → List String

                                                                              The string of the example (99) in each verb order.

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                                                                                The quantified object takes scope over the tensed verb "probeert".

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                                                                                  The inverse reading of the order o is available when some derivation of its string over the lexicon lets the quantified object take scope over the tensed verb.

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                                                                                    In the verb-raising order (99a) the cluster "probeert te zingen" forms by crossed composition and the raised object applies to it.

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                                                                                      In the verb-projection-raising order (99b) the tensed verb can compose with the raised object, but then the object is the tensed verb's secondary, not a functor over it.

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                                                                                        Composition is not what licenses wide scope: the composed verb-projection-raising derivation has a composition node, yet the object does not take scope over the tensed verb.

                                                                                        In the verb-projection-raising order no derivation, in any rule system, lets the quantified object take scope over the tensed verb: the object can be a functor only over "te zingen", since its category looks rightward.

                                                                                        The inverse reading is available in the verb-raising order and in no other.

                                                                                        scopeData pairs each scope example's word order with the judgment on its inverse reading, on which the quantified object outscopes the tensed verb.

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                                                                                          The inverse reading is acceptable exactly where some derivation lets the quantified object combine with a constituent containing the tensed verb, in every judgment of the book's examples (96) to (100), credited in the data to [Bay96], [Kay98], [HvR86] and [Hae92].

                                                                                          The data hold a verb-projection-raising example whose inverse reading is rejected, so the account's restriction is tested.

                                                                                          Intonation and information structure #

                                                                                          Alternative derivations of one string are alternative information structures, disambiguated by tune: "(ANNA married)(MANNY)" (chapter 5 (14)) carves the composed derivation into a theme and a rheme, and its mirror "(ANNA)(married MANNY)" (13) the applicative one. Prosodic phrases are tune-marked constituents, so only constituents of the grammar can be phrases, the Sense Unit Condition of [Sel84].

                                                                                          The accents of "(ANNA married)(MANNY)" are a theme accent on "Anna" and a rheme accent on "Manny", with "married" unaccented.

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                                                                                            "ANNA married" is the composed theme constituent, of category S/NP.

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                                                                                              The theme constituent projects θ, since the theme accent on "Anna" unifies with unaccented "married".

                                                                                              Folding the rheme into the theme's constituent clashes. The whole sentence projects no single marking, so the tune forces the phrasing "[Anna married][Manny]".

                                                                                              The mirror answer "(ANNA)(married MANNY)" of chapter 5 (13) has a rheme accent on "Anna" and a theme accent on "Manny".

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                                                                                                Under the mirror tune the theme is the applicative constituent "married MANNY", while the composed "ANNA married" of (14) carries the rheme, so the tune selects the derivation.

                                                                                                The utterance consists of two tune-marked phrases.

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                                                                                                  The information structure extracted from the utterance has the S/NP constituent "ANNA married" as theme and "MANNY" as rheme.

                                                                                                  Truth conditions #

                                                                                                  Derivations interpreted compositionally over the toy model: a true sentence and a false one.

                                                                                                  The tune terminal as an intonation-phrase terminal #

                                                                                                  ipToTune ip accent is the tune with pitch accent accent whose terminal contour is the final phrase accent and boundary tone of the intonation phrase ip.

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                                                                                                    A declarative intonation phrase has an L phrase accent and an L% boundary.

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                                                                                                      A continuation-rise intonation phrase has an L phrase accent and an H% boundary.

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                                                                                                        A declarative intonation phrase with an H* accent is the rheme tune, and a continuation-rise phrase with an L+H* accent the theme tune.