Sauerland (2003): a new semantics for number #
Sauerland locates the interpreted number feature in a φ-head above DP and interprets agreement
features as presuppositions: [Sg] is the identity function presupposing an atom (his entry
admits an atom or a mass; Number.dom keeps the atomic case), [Pl] the identity with no
presupposition, and Heim's Maximize Presupposition has the speaker use the most specific feature
whose presupposition holds, (7). In competition with the singular the plural is therefore
unblocked only at non-atoms (unblocked_plural), which the coordination Kai and Lina shows
(coordination_plural), and at atoms too once the singular is blocked by an independent factor,
singular they (13) or polite address (14) (unblocked_plural_of_singular_blocked).
The two domains are nested (sg_domain_ssubset_pl), an instance of his Feature-Subset
Principle (46), and since the features are domain restrictions the competition is
presuppositional rather than scalar. The person features (44) compete the same way: the second
person is used outside the first person's domain and the third outside the participants', the
non-participant presupposition of (47) (unblocked_second, unblocked_third), except in a
context whose speaker is part of the addressee, where the first and second person domains
coincide and competition cannot separate them (unblocked_second_of_degenerate).
Every decomposes into a definite DER, taking the maximal element of a cumulative
restrictor (der_unique; his cover-based * is Mereology.algClosure_iff_exists_sup'),
and JE, a universal over the atomic parts of a group individual that projects its scope's
presupposition universally (JE), whose truth on a bivalent scope is Link's distributivity
operator (je_eq_one_iff_D, je_eq_one_iff_forall). The indefinite projects existentially
(aSem), so every boy invited his sister requires every boy to have a sister while a boy
invited his sister requires one (projection_asymmetry), and the weak plural makes Lina
didn't harvest tomatoes entail Lina didn't harvest a tomato
(negated_pl_entails_negated_sg). The same mechanism runs Czech gender agreement on
coordinations, masculine vacuous, feminine presupposing non-masculinity and neuter
presupposing genderlessness (czech_gender), and predicts that polite address recruits the
unmarked values, plural and third person (politeness_unmarked).
References #
Number features and Maximize Presupposition #
The φ-head above a coordination of two distinct atoms cannot carry [Sg].
The Feature-Subset Principle for number makes the domain of [Sg] a proper subset of
the domain of [Pl].
DER is well defined on a cumulative restrictor, since *R has at most one maximal
element.
The two number features that can head a φP are each other's alternatives.
Equations
- Sauerland2003.numberAlts x✝ = {some Number.singular, some Number.plural}
Instances For
[Sg] is used exactly at the atoms.
[Pl] is used exactly at the non-atoms, the non-atomicity derived from Maximize
Presupposition.
With [Sg] blocked by an independent factor, [Pl] is used of atoms too, (13)–(14).
At an atom [Pl] is unusable while [Sg] competes and usable once it is blocked.
Person #
The three person features that can head a φP are each other's alternatives, (44).
Equations
- Sauerland2003.personAlts x✝ = {some Person.first, some Person.second, some Person.third}
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The first person is used on its whole domain.
Unless the speaker is part of the addressee, the second person is used in its domain outside the first person's.
When the speaker is part of the addressee, the first and second person domains coincide and competition leaves the second person usable on its whole domain.
The third person is used outside the participants' domain, the non-participant presupposition of (47), when some referent lies outside it.
The indefinite projects its scope's presupposition existentially, defined when the scope is defined of some individual of the restrictor and true when it is true of one.
Equations
- Sauerland2003.aSem R S = Trivalent.existsHaug fun (x : { x : E // R x }) => S ↑x
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JE, the quantificational part of every, ranges over the atomic parts of a group
individual X, presupposing the scope predicate is defined at each and asserting it holds
at each.
Equations
- Sauerland2003.JE X P = Trivalent.forallWeak fun (a : { a : E // Mereology.Atom a ∧ a ≤ X }) => P ↑a
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When the atoms below maxR are exactly the R-elements, JE with a bivalent scope asserts
the ordinary universal.
JE projects its scope's presupposition universally and the indefinite existentially. With
a restrictor atom a₂ ≤ boys outside the scope's domain and some R-individual inside it,
a boy invited his sister is defined and every boy invited his sister is not.
Under the weak plural Lina didn't harvest tomatoes entails Lina didn't harvest a tomato wherever the latter is defined, the singular indefinite restricting the plural's assertion to atoms.
On a bivalent scope JE is [Lin87b]'s distributivity operator.
Gender agreement in Czech coordinations #
Equations
- Sauerland2003.instDecidableEqConjunct x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Equations
- Sauerland2003.instReprConjunct = { reprPrec := Sauerland2003.instReprConjunct.repr }
A coordination is gendered masculine when a conjunct is a man, and feminine when a conjunct is a woman and none is a man; a coordination of children is gendered neither way.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Jan a Věra, Matka a její dítě and Otec a jeho dítě, as the sums of their conjuncts.
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Of Sauerland's Czech coordinations, Jan a Věra excludes feminine, Matka a její dítě takes feminine but not neuter, and Otec a jeho dítě takes only the vacuous masculine.
Politeness #
Polite address recruits the semantically unmarked values, plural and third person, whose vacuous presuppositions hold of any addressee (German Sie).