Documentation

Studies.QingGoodmanLassiter2016

Qing, Goodman, and Lassiter (2016): A Rational Speech-Act Model of Projective Content #

Qing, Goodman and Lassiter derive the projective content of change-of-state verbs under negation from a listener who jointly infers the world and the context set the speaker took for granted. The worlds record whether John smoked and whether he smokes. Within a context set the literal listener answers the question under discussion (L0), the speaker is informative about the answer (speaker), and the pragmatic listener inverts the speaker over pairs of a world and a context set (listener).

Main results #

Implementation notes #

TODO #

References #

Worlds, utterances, and questions #

A world records whether John smoked in the past and whether he smokes now.

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      The six positive utterances of Table 1.

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          An utterance is silence or a positive utterance, affirmed or negated.

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              Silence is true everywhere, and a negation denotes the complement.

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                noncomputable def QingGoodmanLassiter2016.Utterance.prior :
                Utterance → ENNReal

                The utterance prior (1) halves with each content word, negation and auxiliaries being free.

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                  The question under discussion asks which world it is, or whether John smokes now.

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                    def QingGoodmanLassiter2016.instReprQUD.repr :
                    QUD → ℕ → Std.Format
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                      The cell of a world under a question.

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                        theorem QingGoodmanLassiter2016.QUD.cell_preimage (q : QUD) (w : World) :
                        q.cell ⁻¹' {q.cell w} = ↑(q.cell w)

                        Context sets #

                        The context set that John's habit changed, one way or the other.

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                          The literal listener within a context set (5) #

                          noncomputable def QingGoodmanLassiter2016.L0 (C : Finset World) (q : QUD) :
                          ProbabilityTheory.Kernel Utterance (Finset World)

                          The literal listener within a context set under a question samples a world of the context set at which the utterance is true and returns the question's answer there.

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                            instance QingGoodmanLassiter2016.instIsFiniteKernelUtteranceFinsetWorldL0 (C : Finset World) (q : QUD) :
                            ProbabilityTheory.IsFiniteKernel (L0 C q)
                            def QingGoodmanLassiter2016.l0 (C : Finset World) (q : QUD) (u : Utterance) (w : World) :
                            ℕ × ℕ

                            The literal listener counts the worlds of the context set where the utterance is true and the question's answer is the world's, over those where the utterance is true.

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                              theorem QingGoodmanLassiter2016.L0_apply (C : Finset World) (q : QUD) (u : Utterance) (w : World) :
                              ((L0 C q) u) {q.cell w} = ↑(l0 C q u w).1 / ↑(l0 C q u w).2
                              noncomputable def QingGoodmanLassiter2016.cost (α : ℝ) (u : Utterance) :
                              ℝ

                              An utterance costs -log Pr(u) / α at rationality α, since (3) weighs the speaker's choice by the utterance prior outside the rationality.

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                                theorem QingGoodmanLassiter2016.exp_neg_cost {α : ℝ} (hα : α ≠ 0) (u : Utterance) :
                                Real.exp (-(α * cost α u)) = u.prior.toReal

                                Speaker and listeners (6), (7) #

                                noncomputable def QingGoodmanLassiter2016.speaker (q : QUD) (C : Finset World) (α : ℝ) (w : World) :
                                MeasureTheory.Measure Utterance

                                The speaker within a context set (6) knows the answer to the question at her world and is informative about the literal listener's belief about it, weighted by the utterance prior.

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                                  instance QingGoodmanLassiter2016.instIsFiniteMeasureUtteranceSpeaker (q : QUD) (C : Finset World) (α : ℝ) (w : World) :
                                  MeasureTheory.IsFiniteMeasure (speaker q C α w)
                                  noncomputable def QingGoodmanLassiter2016.ctxPrior (π : Finset World → ℕ) :
                                  MeasureTheory.Measure (Finset World)

                                  The prior over context sets determined by a weighting.

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                                    theorem QingGoodmanLassiter2016.ctxPrior_singleton (π : Finset World → ℕ) (C : Finset World) :
                                    (ctxPrior π) {C} = ↑(π C)
                                    instance QingGoodmanLassiter2016.instIsFiniteMeasureFinsetWorldCtxPrior (π : Finset World → ℕ) :
                                    MeasureTheory.IsFiniteMeasure (ctxPrior π)
                                    noncomputable def QingGoodmanLassiter2016.pairPrior (π : Finset World → ℕ) :
                                    MeasureTheory.Measure (World × Finset World)

                                    The pair prior weighs a world with a context set containing it by the context prior; the paper's uniform world prior cancels.

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                                      theorem QingGoodmanLassiter2016.pairPrior_singleton (π : Finset World → ℕ) (w : World) (C : Finset World) :
                                      (pairPrior π) {(w, C)} = if w ∈ C then ↑(π C) else 0
                                      instance QingGoodmanLassiter2016.instIsFiniteMeasureProdWorldFinsetPairPrior (π : Finset World → ℕ) :
                                      MeasureTheory.IsFiniteMeasure (pairPrior π)
                                      noncomputable def QingGoodmanLassiter2016.listener (q : QUD) (π : Finset World → ℕ) (α : ℝ) :
                                      ProbabilityTheory.Kernel Utterance (World × Finset World)

                                      The joint listener (7) inverts the speaker within each context set against the pair prior.

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                                        The common-ground prior (8) takes the paper's observation probability 0.4 and 5% noise, scaled by 14700, over the universe, the four single observations, the four pairs, and the six context sets no observations derive.

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                                          Evaluating a cell #

                                          noncomputable def QingGoodmanLassiter2016.share (q : QUD) (C : Finset World) (w : World) (α : ℝ) :
                                          ℝ

                                          The share of did not stop smoking at a cell, on reals.

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                                            Listener comparisons #

                                            The standard model (Figure 1a) #

                                            noncomputable def QingGoodmanLassiter2016.standard (α : ℝ) :
                                            ProbabilityTheory.Kernel Utterance World

                                            The standard listener is the pragmatic listener over the universe with a uniform world prior, the first column of Table 2.

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                                              The standard model puts the three worlds compatible with did not stop smoking on a par at every rationality, since the utterance is equally under-informative at each, so nothing projects.

                                              Context sets under the maximal question (Figures 1b, 2a) #

                                              theorem QingGoodmanLassiter2016.uniform_tie {α : ℝ} (hα : 0 < α) :
                                              ((listener QUD.max (fun (x : Finset World) => 1) α) notStopped) {(World.TT, pastT)} = ((listener QUD.max (fun (x : Finset World) => 1) α) notStopped) {(World.FF, nowF)}

                                              With every context set equally likely, the world in which John still smokes taken with the context set that he smoked ties with the world in which he never smoked taken with the context set that he does not smoke, since did not stop smoking identifies the world within either.

                                              theorem QingGoodmanLassiter2016.uniform_change_lt {α : ℝ} (hα : 0 < α) :
                                              ((listener QUD.max (fun (x : Finset World) => 1) α) notStopped).real {(World.FT, change)} < ((listener QUD.max (fun (x : Finset World) => 1) α) notStopped).real {(World.TT, pastT)}

                                              The changed world with the change context set trails, since did not stop smoking identifies it there too, but against more informative competitors.

                                              The question whether John smokes now (Figures 1d, 3) #

                                              theorem QingGoodmanLassiter2016.now_settled_lt (π : Finset World → ℕ) (hπ : π pastT ≠ 0) (hF : π nowF ≤ π pastT) (hT : π nowT ≤ π pastT) {α : ℝ} (hα : 0 < α) :
                                              ((listener QUD.now π α) notStopped).real {(World.FF, nowF)} < ((listener QUD.now π α) notStopped).real {(World.TT, pastT)} ∧ ((listener QUD.now π α) notStopped).real {(World.TT, nowT)} < ((listener QUD.now π α) notStopped).real {(World.TT, pastT)}

                                              A context set that already settles the question, that he does not smoke or that he does, has made silence maximally informative and cannot explain the utterance. Either loses to the world in which he still smokes with the context set that he smoked, under any prior weighting that context set at least as much.

                                              theorem QingGoodmanLassiter2016.now_change_lt (π : Finset World → ℕ) (hπ : π pastT ≠ 0) (h : π change ≤ π pastT) {α : ℝ} (hα : 0 < α) :

                                              The change context set is dispreferred under any prior weighting it at most as much as the context set that John smoked, which the common-ground prior does by design.

                                              theorem QingGoodmanLassiter2016.now_universe_lt (π : Finset World → ℕ) (hπ : π pastT ≠ 0) (h : 2 * π Finset.univ ≤ 3 * π pastT) {α : ℝ} (hα : 1 ≤ α) :
                                              ((listener QUD.now π α) notStopped).real {(World.TT, Finset.univ)} < ((listener QUD.now π α) notStopped).real {(World.TT, pastT)}

                                              The universe is outrun at every rationality of at least one under any prior weighting it under three halves of the context set that John smoked, since there the utterance leaves a third of the answer open.

                                              The common-ground prior (8) meets the hypotheses, since the observed context sets outweigh change and the universe weighs under three halves of a single observation.

                                              Under the common-ground prior and the question whether John smokes now, the world in which he still smokes with the context set that he smoked beats every competitor the paper discusses at every rationality of at least one. Projection is context-set inference (Figure 3).