Documentation

Studies.QingFranke2015

Qing and Franke (2015): Variations on a Bayesian Theme #

Qing and Franke decompose the rational speech act model of Frank and Goodman's referential game along its design choices. The literal listener conditions a prior on the extension of the word, and the prior is uniform or the measured salience of the objects. The speaker's goal is belief-oriented, the log of the literal listener's probability of the referent, or action-oriented, that probability itself, and colour adjectives carry a cost. The listener inverts a speaker against its own prior and may act on the result by a further soft maximization. The context has a square and a circle of one colour and a circle of the other, and the paper compares the models on the choices of speakers and listeners by their Bayes factors.

Main statements #

Implementation notes #

References #

The context, the cost and the salience prior #

The colour adjectives cost c and the shape nouns nothing (11).

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    noncomputable def QingFranke2015.salience :
    MeasureTheory.Measure Object

    The salience prior S weights each object by the number of listeners who chose it when they could not understand the speaker.

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      The literal listener and the speakers #

      noncomputable def QingFranke2015.literal (μ : MeasureTheory.Measure Object) :

      The literal listener at a prior (1) conditions the prior on the extension of the word.

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        instance QingFranke2015.instIsFiniteKernelWordColourShapeObjectLiteral (μ : MeasureTheory.Measure Object) :
        ProbabilityTheory.IsFiniteKernel (literal μ)

        The speaker's goal is belief-oriented or action-oriented.

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          @[instance_reducible]
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          @[instance_reducible]
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          def QingFranke2015.instReprGoal.repr :
          Goal → ℕ → Std.Format
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            noncomputable def QingFranke2015.Goal.value :
            Goal → ℝ → ℝ

            The goal's measure of the literal listener's probability of the referent, its logarithm (10) or the probability itself (9).

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              noncomputable def QingFranke2015.utility (g : Goal) (μ : MeasureTheory.Measure Object) (c : ℝ) (t : Object) (u : FrankGoodman2012.Word FrankGoodman2012.Colour FrankGoodman2012.Shape) :
              ℝ

              The utility of a word for a referent (4) is the goal's measure of the literal listener's probability of the referent, less the cost of the word.

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                noncomputable def QingFranke2015.speaker :
                Goal → MeasureTheory.Measure Object → ℝ → ℝ → ProbabilityTheory.Kernel Object (FrankGoodman2012.Word FrankGoodman2012.Colour FrankGoodman2012.Shape)

                The speaker models σ_xy with goal x, belief y about the literal listener's prior, rationality lam and adjective cost c. The belief-oriented speaker is the rational speech act speaker against the literal listener, and the action-oriented speaker soft-maximizes its utility over the true words.

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                  instance QingFranke2015.instIsFiniteKernelObjectWordColourShapeSpeaker (g : Goal) (μ : MeasureTheory.Measure Object) (lam c : ℝ) :
                  ProbabilityTheory.IsFiniteKernel (speaker g μ lam c)
                  theorem QingFranke2015.literal_uniform :
                  literal (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) = FrankGoodman2012.literal M

                  At the uniform prior the literal listener is Frank and Goodman's.

                  theorem QingFranke2015.speaker_belief_uniform (lam : ℝ) :
                  speaker Goal.belief (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam 0 = FrankGoodman2012.speaker M lam

                  At the uniform prior and no cost the belief-oriented speaker is Frank and Goodman's.

                  theorem QingFranke2015.speaker_eq_softmax {μ : MeasureTheory.Measure Object} {lam c : ℝ} [MeasureTheory.IsFiniteMeasure μ] (hlam : 0 < lam) (hμ : ∀ (t : Object), μ {t} ≠ 0) (g : Goal) :

                  Every speaker of the family soft-maximizes its utility over the true words, (9) and (10).

                  theorem QingFranke2015.speaker_lt_iff {μ : MeasureTheory.Measure Object} {lam c : ℝ} {t : Object} {u u' : FrankGoodman2012.Word FrankGoodman2012.Colour FrankGoodman2012.Shape} [MeasureTheory.IsFiniteMeasure μ] (hlam : 0 < lam) (hμ : ∀ (t : Object), μ {t} ≠ 0) (g : Goal) (hu : t ∈ Semantics.Denotes.denote u M) (hu' : t ∈ Semantics.Denotes.denote u' M) :
                  ((speaker g μ lam c) t).real {u} < ((speaker g μ lam c) t).real {u'} ↔ utility g μ c t u < utility g μ c t u'

                  Of two words true of an object the speaker prefers the one of greater utility.

                  theorem QingFranke2015.speaker_real_singleton {μ : MeasureTheory.Measure Object} {lam c : ℝ} {t : Object} {u u' : FrankGoodman2012.Word FrankGoodman2012.Colour FrankGoodman2012.Shape} [MeasureTheory.IsFiniteMeasure μ] (hlam : 0 < lam) (hμ : ∀ (t : Object), μ {t} ≠ 0) (g : Goal) (hu : t ∈ Semantics.Denotes.denote u M) (hu' : t ∈ Semantics.Denotes.denote u' M) (h : u.fst ≠ u'.fst) :
                  ((speaker g μ lam c) t).real {u} = (lam * (utility g μ c t u - utility g μ c t u')).sigmoid

                  An object has two true words, the one for its colour and the one for its shape, and the share of one is the logistic function of its utility over the other's, scaled by the rationality.

                  Speakers who ignore salience #

                  At the uniform prior a word is worth the goal's measure of the reciprocal of its extension's size. Every word of the context is true of one object or of two, and the difference in their worth is log 2 to the belief-oriented speaker and 1/2 to the action-oriented one.

                  theorem QingFranke2015.literal_uniform_real {t : Object} {u : FrankGoodman2012.Word FrankGoodman2012.Colour FrankGoodman2012.Shape} (h : t ∈ Semantics.Denotes.denote u M) :
                  ((literal (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ)) u).real {t} = (↑(Semantics.Denotes.denote u M).card)⁻¹

                  At the uniform prior the literal listener gives each object in the extension of a word the reciprocal of the extension's size.

                  noncomputable def QingFranke2015.Goal.gap (g : Goal) :
                  ℝ

                  The informativity gap between a word true of the referent alone and a word true of two objects, on the goal's measure.

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                    @[simp]

                    The gap exceeds every cost in the paper's support (-0.4, 0.4).

                    theorem QingFranke2015.prefers_unique_colour_iff {lam c : ℝ} (hlam : 0 < lam) (g : Goal) :
                    ((speaker g (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam c) Object.blueCircle).real {FrankGoodman2012.Word.circle} < ((speaker g (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam c) Object.blueCircle).real {FrankGoodman2012.Word.blue} ↔ c < g.gap

                    At the blue circle the speaker prefers blue, which only it satisfies, to circle exactly when the adjective costs less than the informativity gap.

                    theorem QingFranke2015.prefers_unique_shape_iff {lam c : ℝ} (hlam : 0 < lam) (g : Goal) :
                    ((speaker g (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam c) Object.greenSquare).real {FrankGoodman2012.Word.green} < ((speaker g (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam c) Object.greenSquare).real {FrankGoodman2012.Word.square} ↔ -g.gap < c

                    At the green square it prefers square, which only it satisfies, to green exactly when the adjective is not cheaper than the noun by the informativity gap.

                    theorem QingFranke2015.prefers_noun_iff {lam c : ℝ} (hlam : 0 < lam) (g : Goal) :
                    ((speaker g (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam c) Object.greenCircle).real {FrankGoodman2012.Word.green} < ((speaker g (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam c) Object.greenCircle).real {FrankGoodman2012.Word.circle} ↔ 0 < c

                    At the green circle, whose colour and shape are each shared, the two words are equally informative and the speaker prefers the noun exactly when it is the cheaper.

                    The belief-oriented speaker who heeds salience #

                    At the salience prior the literal listener gives each object in the extension of a word its share of the extension's salience.

                    The belief-oriented speaker who takes the literal listener to hold the salience prior (7) prefers blue to circle at the blue circle exactly when the adjective costs less than log (169 / 139), the salient blue circle being the likelier circle.

                    At the green circle it prefers the adjective green, which sets the green circle against the less salient of its two rivals, to circle exactly when the adjective costs less than log (169 / 101).

                    theorem QingFranke2015.salience_thresholds :
                    Real.log (169 / 139) < 0.4 ∧ 0.4 < Real.log (169 / 101)

                    The first threshold lies inside the paper's cost support (-0.4, 0.4) and the second beyond it, so at every cost in the support this speaker prefers the adjective at the green circle.

                    Listeners #

                    The belief-oriented listener (15) is RSA.listener at its prior and a speaker, and the paper's listeners take the speaker to ignore salience. The action-oriented listener (14) soft-maximizes that belief.

                    theorem QingFranke2015.uniform_listener_narrows_circle {lam c : ℝ} (hlam : 0 < lam) (g : Goal) :
                    ((RSA.listener (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) ⇑(speaker g (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam c)) FrankGoodman2012.Word.circle).real {Object.blueCircle} < ((RSA.listener (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) ⇑(speaker g (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam c)) FrankGoodman2012.Word.circle).real {Object.greenCircle}

                    A listener with a uniform prior who hears circle prefers the green circle, since for the blue circle the speaker had blue.

                    theorem QingFranke2015.uniform_listener_narrows_green {lam c : ℝ} (hlam : 0 < lam) (g : Goal) :
                    ((RSA.listener (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) ⇑(speaker g (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam c)) FrankGoodman2012.Word.green).real {Object.greenSquare} < ((RSA.listener (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) ⇑(speaker g (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam c)) FrankGoodman2012.Word.green).real {Object.greenCircle}

                    Hearing green it prefers the green circle, since for the green square the speaker had square.

                    theorem QingFranke2015.salience_listener_circle_iff {lam c : ℝ} (hlam : 0 < lam) (g : Goal) :
                    ((RSA.listener salience ⇑(speaker g (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam c)) FrankGoodman2012.Word.circle).real {Object.greenCircle} < ((RSA.listener salience ⇑(speaker g (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam c)) FrankGoodman2012.Word.circle).real {Object.blueCircle} ↔ 30 * (lam * c).sigmoid < 139 * (lam * (c - g.gap)).sigmoid

                    A listener with the salience prior who hears circle prefers the salient blue circle exactly when its salience outweighs the speaker's preference for blue there.

                    theorem QingFranke2015.salience_listener_green_iff {lam c : ℝ} (hlam : 0 < lam) (g : Goal) :
                    ((RSA.listener salience ⇑(speaker g (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam c)) FrankGoodman2012.Word.green).real {Object.greenSquare} < ((RSA.listener salience ⇑(speaker g (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam c)) FrankGoodman2012.Word.green).real {Object.greenCircle} ↔ 71 * (-(lam * (c + g.gap))).sigmoid < 30 * (-(lam * c)).sigmoid

                    Hearing green it prefers the green circle to the more salient green square exactly when the speaker's preference for square there outweighs the salience.

                    theorem QingFranke2015.salience_listener_window {lam : ℝ} (hlam : 0 < lam) (g : Goal) :
                    ((RSA.listener salience ⇑(speaker g (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam 0)) FrankGoodman2012.Word.circle).real {Object.greenCircle} < ((RSA.listener salience ⇑(speaker g (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam 0)) FrankGoodman2012.Word.circle).real {Object.blueCircle} ∧ ((RSA.listener salience ⇑(speaker g (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam 0)) FrankGoodman2012.Word.green).real {Object.greenSquare} < ((RSA.listener salience ⇑(speaker g (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam 0)) FrankGoodman2012.Word.green).real {Object.greenCircle} ↔ 56 / 15 < Real.exp (lam * g.gap) ∧ Real.exp (lam * g.gap) < 124 / 15

                    Without cost a listener with the salience prior follows salience on circle and narrows on green, as the paper's listeners did, exactly on a window of rationalities of the speaker.

                    Frank and Goodman's listener at the measured salience and rationality one takes green to refer to the salient green square.

                    theorem QingFranke2015.action_listener_window {lam : ℝ} (hlam : 0 < lam) {lamL : ℝ} (hlamL : 0 < lamL) {ρ : ProbabilityTheory.Kernel (FrankGoodman2012.Word FrankGoodman2012.Colour FrankGoodman2012.Shape) Object} (hρ : ρ = RSA.policy lamL (RSA.listener salience ⇑(speaker Goal.action (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) lam 0)) fun (t : Object) => Pi.single t 1) :
                    (ρ FrankGoodman2012.Word.circle).real {Object.greenCircle} < (ρ FrankGoodman2012.Word.circle).real {Object.blueCircle} ∧ (ρ FrankGoodman2012.Word.green).real {Object.greenSquare} < (ρ FrankGoodman2012.Word.green).real {Object.greenCircle} ↔ 56 / 15 < Real.exp (lam / 2) ∧ Real.exp (lam / 2) < 124 / 15

                    The action-oriented listener (14) soft-maximizes its belief and so orders the objects as the belief does, at every rationality of its own. With the salience prior and the action-oriented speaker, the model the paper's comparison favours, it follows salience on circle and narrows on green on the window of its belief.