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Studies.PottsEtAl2016

Potts, Lassiter, Levy and Frank (2016): Embedded Implicatures as Pragmatic Inferences under Compositional Lexical Uncertainty #

Potts, Lassiter, Levy and Frank model embedded implicatures as pragmatic inference under compositional lexical uncertainty, in the context of their experiment (§6). Three players each hit none, some but not all, or all of their shots, a vertex of Aristotelian.Triangle, and a state is the multiset of outcomes (16). A message composes a quantifier over players with a quantifier over shots, the null message added (18), and the lexica are the neo-Gricean refinement set of some, itself or some but not all (14), (19d). The literal listener L0, the speaker S1 and the uncertainty listener L1, which inverts the speaker jointly over states and lexica (13), are compared with the fixed-lexicon listener L1fixed of (19b). Every ordering below holds at every rationality and every cost of the null message.

Main results #

Implementation notes #

The state and lexicon priors are flat (18). The null message is true at every state, so its cost adds the same weight to every row of the speaker, and the share of a statement is its informativity weight over the sum of the weights of the statements true at the state plus that constant; each ordering is an inequality between such fractions in the weights 4^{-α}, 3^{-α}, 2^{-α}, 1. The unconstrained refinement model (19c), whose lexica are the nonempty subsets of the denotation of some over sets of shots, and the fit to the response data are not formalized.

References #

The context (§6, (16) and (18)) #

The states (16) are the multisets of three outcomes, each named by its outcomes.

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    The quantifiers over a player's shots are every, no and some.

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      The quantifiers over the players are every, exactly one and no.

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        The lexica of the neo-Gricean refinement set (14), (19d) read some as itself or as some but not all.

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          instance PottsEtAl2016.instMeasurableSpaceLex :
          MeasurableSpace Lex
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          Under a lexicon some covers the outcomes with any hit, or those with some but not all.

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            theorem PottsEtAl2016.lex_refines (l : Lex) :
            l.someDen.Nonempty ∧ l.someDen ⊆ Lex.weak.someDen

            The refinement condition (11) holds, each lexicon reading some as a nonempty part of its base denotation, which the base lexicon is.

            Whether an outcome satisfies the quantifier over shots under a lexicon.

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              @[instance_reducible]
              instance PottsEtAl2016.instDecidablePredTriangleHolds (l : Lex) (s : ShotQ) :
              DecidablePred (ShotQ.Holds l s)
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              Whether a number of players satisfies the quantifier over players.

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                instance PottsEtAl2016.instDecidablePredNatHolds (q : PlayerQ) :
                DecidablePred q.Holds
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                A statement (18c) applies a quantifier over players to a quantifier over shots.

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                  def PottsEtAl2016.Stmt.Truth (l : Lex) (s : Stmt) (w : World) :

                  A statement is true at a state under a lexicon when its quantifier over players holds of the number of players whose outcome satisfies its quantifier over shots.

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                    def PottsEtAl2016.stmtSem (l : Lex) (s : Stmt) :
                    Finset World

                    The extension of a statement under a lexicon.

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                      The messages (18c) are the statements and the null message of (12a).

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                        instance PottsEtAl2016.instMeasurableSpaceMsg :
                        MeasurableSpace Msg
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                        def PottsEtAl2016.sem (l : Lex) (m : Msg) :
                        Finset World

                        The extension of a message under a lexicon, the null message true at every state.

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                          Every player hit some of his shots.

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                            Exactly one player hit some of his shots.

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                              No player hit some of his shots.

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                                The lexica agree off some, and the refinement narrows the extension of some under every while widening it under no, the source of the asymmetry; under exactly one the refinement admits the locally enriched states NSA and SAA.

                                The model (13), (18), (19) #

                                def PottsEtAl2016.cost (k : ℝ) (m : Msg) :
                                ℝ

                                The cost (18d) is k for the null message and 0 for every statement.

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                                  noncomputable def PottsEtAl2016.L0 (l : Lex) :
                                  ProbabilityTheory.Kernel Msg World

                                  The literal listener (13a) conditions a flat prior on the message's extension.

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                                    instance PottsEtAl2016.instIsFiniteKernelMsgWorldL0 (l : Lex) :
                                    ProbabilityTheory.IsFiniteKernel (L0 l)
                                    noncomputable def PottsEtAl2016.S1 (α k : ℝ) (l : Lex) :
                                    ProbabilityTheory.Kernel World Msg

                                    The speaker (13b).

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                                      instance PottsEtAl2016.instIsFiniteKernelWorldMsgS1 (α k : ℝ) (l : Lex) :
                                      ProbabilityTheory.IsFiniteKernel (S1 α k l)
                                      noncomputable def PottsEtAl2016.L1 (α k : ℝ) :
                                      ProbabilityTheory.Kernel Msg (World × Lex)

                                      The uncertainty listener (13c) inverts the lexicon-indexed speaker against flat priors over states and lexica; its state marginal is the paper's listener.

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                                        noncomputable def PottsEtAl2016.L1fixed (α k : ℝ) :
                                        ProbabilityTheory.Kernel Msg World

                                        The fixed-lexicon pragmatic listener (19b) inverts the base lexicon's speaker at a flat prior.

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                                          theorem PottsEtAl2016.L1_fst_real_lt_iff {α k : ℝ} (m : Msg) (w₁ w₂ : World) :
                                          ((L1 α k) m).fst.real {w₁} < ((L1 α k) m).fst.real {w₂} ↔ ∑ l : Lex, ((S1 α k l) w₁).real {m} < ∑ l : Lex, ((S1 α k l) w₂).real {m}

                                          State preference of the uncertainty listener is the pooled speaker preference.

                                          theorem PottsEtAl2016.L1fixed_real_lt_iff {α k : ℝ} (m : Msg) (w₁ w₂ : World) :
                                          ((L1fixed α k) m).real {w₁} < ((L1fixed α k) m).real {w₂} ↔ ((S1 α k Lex.weak) w₁).real {m} < ((S1 α k Lex.weak) w₂).real {m}

                                          State preference of the fixed-lexicon listener is the base-lexicon speaker's preference.

                                          Support: local enrichment (§6.3) #

                                          theorem PottsEtAl2016.L1_fst_ne_zero_iff {α : ℝ} (hα : 0 < α) {k : ℝ} (m : Msg) (w : World) :
                                          ((L1 α k) m).fst {w} ≠ 0 ↔ ∃ (l : Lex), w ∈ sem l m

                                          The uncertainty listener assigns mass to a state exactly when some lexicon makes the message true there.

                                          theorem PottsEtAl2016.L1fixed_ne_zero_iff {α : ℝ} (hα : 0 < α) {k : ℝ} (m : Msg) (w : World) :
                                          ((L1fixed α k) m) {w} ≠ 0 ↔ w ∈ sem Lex.weak m

                                          The fixed-lexicon listener assigns mass to a state exactly when the base lexicon makes the message true there.

                                          theorem PottsEtAl2016.one_some_local {α : ℝ} (hα : 0 < α) {k : ℝ} (w : World) :
                                          w ∈ {World.NSA, World.SAA} → ((L1 α k) (some oneSome)).fst {w} ≠ 0 ∧ ((L1fixed α k) (some oneSome)) {w} = 0

                                          Hearing exactly one player hit some of his shots, the uncertainty listener gives mass to the locally enriched states NSA and SAA, false on the literal construal, and the fixed-lexicon listener none.

                                          theorem PottsEtAl2016.no_some_local {α : ℝ} (hα : 0 < α) {k : ℝ} (w : World) :
                                          w ∈ {World.NNA, World.NAA, World.AAA} → ((L1 α k) (some noSome)).fst {w} ≠ 0 ∧ ((L1fixed α k) (some noSome)) {w} = 0

                                          Hearing no player hit some of his shots, the uncertainty listener gives mass to the locally enriched states NNA, NAA and AAA, and the fixed-lexicon listener none.

                                          Preference orderings (§6.2, §6.3) #

                                          theorem PottsEtAl2016.S1_real {α : ℝ} (hα : 0 < α) {k : ℝ} (l : Lex) (w : World) (s : Stmt) :
                                          ((S1 α k l) w).real {some s} = (if w ∈ stmtSem l s then (↑(stmtSem l s).card)⁻¹ ^ α else 0) / ((∑ s' : Stmt, if w ∈ stmtSem l s' then (↑(stmtSem l s').card)⁻¹ ^ α else 0) + Real.exp (-(α * k)) * 10⁻¹ ^ α)

                                          The speaker's share of a statement is its informativity weight over the weights of the statements true at the state plus the null message's weight.

                                          The weights and the sums #

                                          The two lexica as Fin 2, for sums over the family.

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                                            The quantifiers over players as Fin 3.

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                                              The quantifiers over shots as Fin 3.

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                                                theorem PottsEtAl2016.Lex.sum_univ {M : Type u_1} [AddCommMonoid M] (f : Lex → M) :
                                                ∑ l : Lex, f l = f weak + f strong
                                                theorem PottsEtAl2016.PlayerQ.sum_univ {M : Type u_1} [AddCommMonoid M] (f : PlayerQ → M) :
                                                ∑ q : PlayerQ, f q = f every + f exactlyOne + f no
                                                theorem PottsEtAl2016.ShotQ.sum_univ {M : Type u_1} [AddCommMonoid M] (f : ShotQ → M) :
                                                ∑ s : ShotQ, f s = f every + f no + f some_
                                                theorem PottsEtAl2016.every_some_ordering {α : ℝ} (hα : 0 < α) {k : ℝ} :
                                                ((L1 α k) (some everySome)).fst.real {World.SSA} < ((L1 α k) (some everySome)).fst.real {World.SSS} ∧ ((L1 α k) (some everySome)).fst.real {World.SAA} < ((L1 α k) (some everySome)).fst.real {World.SSS} ∧ ((L1 α k) (some everySome)).fst.real {World.AAA} < ((L1 α k) (some everySome)).fst.real {World.SSA} ∧ ((L1 α k) (some everySome)).fst.real {World.AAA} < ((L1 α k) (some everySome)).fst.real {World.SAA}

                                                Hearing every player hit some of his shots, the uncertainty listener ranks the locally enriched SSS above the other true states and AAA below the two remaining ones, the ordering of the human responses.

                                                theorem PottsEtAl2016.every_some_fixed {α : ℝ} (hα : 0 < α) {k : ℝ} :
                                                ((L1fixed α k) (some everySome)).real {World.SSS} < ((L1fixed α k) (some everySome)).real {World.SAA}

                                                The fixed-lexicon listener instead puts SAA above SSS.

                                                theorem PottsEtAl2016.one_some_literal_first {α : ℝ} (hα : 0 < α) {k : ℝ} :
                                                ((L1 α k) (some oneSome)).fst.real {World.NNA} < ((L1 α k) (some oneSome)).fst.real {World.NNS} ∧ ((L1 α k) (some oneSome)).fst.real {World.NSA} < ((L1 α k) (some oneSome)).fst.real {World.NNS} ∧ ((L1 α k) (some oneSome)).fst.real {World.SAA} < ((L1 α k) (some oneSome)).fst.real {World.NNS}

                                                Hearing exactly one player hit some of his shots, the uncertainty listener still prefers the literal construal NNS most, above NNA and above the locally enriched NSA and SAA.

                                                theorem PottsEtAl2016.no_some_literal_first {α : ℝ} (hα : 0 < α) {k : ℝ} :
                                                ((L1 α k) (some noSome)).fst.real {World.NNA} < ((L1 α k) (some noSome)).fst.real {World.NNN} ∧ ((L1 α k) (some noSome)).fst.real {World.NAA} < ((L1 α k) (some noSome)).fst.real {World.NNN} ∧ ((L1 α k) (some noSome)).fst.real {World.AAA} < ((L1 α k) (some noSome)).fst.real {World.NNN}

                                                Hearing no player hit some of his shots, the uncertainty listener still prefers the literal construal NNN most, above the locally enriched NNA, NAA and AAA.