Potts, Lassiter, Levy and Frank (2016): Embedded Implicatures as Pragmatic Inferences under Compositional Lexical Uncertainty #
Potts, Lassiter, Levy and Frank model embedded implicatures as pragmatic inference under
compositional lexical uncertainty, in the context of their experiment (§6). Three players each
hit none, some but not all, or all of their shots, a vertex of Aristotelian.Triangle, and a
state is the multiset of outcomes (16). A message composes a quantifier over players with a
quantifier over shots, the null message added (18), and the lexica are the neo-Gricean
refinement set of some, itself or some but not all (14), (19d). The literal listener L0,
the speaker S1 and the uncertainty listener L1, which inverts the speaker jointly over states
and lexica (13), are compared with the fixed-lexicon listener L1fixed of (19b). Every ordering
below holds at every rationality and every cost of the null message.
Main results #
one_some_local,no_some_local: under exactly one and no the uncertainty listener gives mass to the locally enriched states, which the fixed-lexicon model excludes, the low but non-negligible enrichment under a negative quantifier that Chemla and Spector report.one_some_literal_first,no_some_literal_first: the literal construals NNS and NNN still rank first.every_some_ordering,every_some_fixed: for every player hit some of his shots the uncertainty listener mirrors the human ordering, SSS first and AAA last among the true states, where the fixed-lexicon listener puts SAA first.
Implementation notes #
The state and lexicon priors are flat (18). The null message is true at every state, so its
cost adds the same weight to every row of the speaker, and the share of a statement is its
informativity weight over the sum of the weights of the statements true at the state plus that
constant; each ordering is an inequality between such fractions in the weights 4^{-α},
3^{-α}, 2^{-α}, 1. The unconstrained refinement model (19c), whose lexica are the nonempty
subsets of the denotation of some over sets of shots, and the fit to the response data are not
formalized.
References #
The context (§6, (16) and (18)) #
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.instDecidableEqWorld x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.instFintypeWorld = { elems := { val := ↑PottsEtAl2016.World.enumList, nodup := PottsEtAl2016.World.enumList_nodup }, complete := PottsEtAl2016.instFintypeWorld._proof_1 }
Equations
The outcomes of a state.
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.World.NNN.outcomes = {Aristotelian.Triangle.E, Aristotelian.Triangle.E, Aristotelian.Triangle.E}
- PottsEtAl2016.World.NNS.outcomes = {Aristotelian.Triangle.E, Aristotelian.Triangle.E, Aristotelian.Triangle.IO}
- PottsEtAl2016.World.NNA.outcomes = {Aristotelian.Triangle.E, Aristotelian.Triangle.E, Aristotelian.Triangle.A}
- PottsEtAl2016.World.NSS.outcomes = {Aristotelian.Triangle.E, Aristotelian.Triangle.IO, Aristotelian.Triangle.IO}
- PottsEtAl2016.World.NSA.outcomes = {Aristotelian.Triangle.E, Aristotelian.Triangle.IO, Aristotelian.Triangle.A}
- PottsEtAl2016.World.NAA.outcomes = {Aristotelian.Triangle.E, Aristotelian.Triangle.A, Aristotelian.Triangle.A}
- PottsEtAl2016.World.SSS.outcomes = {Aristotelian.Triangle.IO, Aristotelian.Triangle.IO, Aristotelian.Triangle.IO}
- PottsEtAl2016.World.SSA.outcomes = {Aristotelian.Triangle.IO, Aristotelian.Triangle.IO, Aristotelian.Triangle.A}
- PottsEtAl2016.World.SAA.outcomes = {Aristotelian.Triangle.IO, Aristotelian.Triangle.A, Aristotelian.Triangle.A}
- PottsEtAl2016.World.AAA.outcomes = {Aristotelian.Triangle.A, Aristotelian.Triangle.A, Aristotelian.Triangle.A}
Instances For
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.instDecidableEqShotQ x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.instFintypeShotQ = { elems := { val := ↑PottsEtAl2016.ShotQ.enumList, nodup := PottsEtAl2016.ShotQ.enumList_nodup }, complete := PottsEtAl2016.instFintypeShotQ._proof_1 }
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.instDecidableEqPlayerQ x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.instFintypePlayerQ = { elems := { val := ↑PottsEtAl2016.PlayerQ.enumList, nodup := PottsEtAl2016.PlayerQ.enumList_nodup }, complete := PottsEtAl2016.instFintypePlayerQ._proof_1 }
The lexica of the neo-Gricean refinement set (14), (19d) read some as itself or as some but not all.
Instances For
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.instDecidableEqLex x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.instFintypeLex = { elems := { val := ↑PottsEtAl2016.Lex.enumList, nodup := PottsEtAl2016.Lex.enumList_nodup }, complete := PottsEtAl2016.instFintypeLex._proof_1 }
Equations
Under a lexicon some covers the outcomes with any hit, or those with some but not all.
Equations
Instances For
Whether an outcome satisfies the quantifier over shots under a lexicon.
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.ShotQ.Holds l PottsEtAl2016.ShotQ.every x✝ = (x✝ = ⊤)
- PottsEtAl2016.ShotQ.Holds l PottsEtAl2016.ShotQ.no x✝ = (x✝ = ⊥)
- PottsEtAl2016.ShotQ.Holds l PottsEtAl2016.ShotQ.some_ x✝ = (x✝ ∈ l.someDen)
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Whether a number of players satisfies the quantifier over players.
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.PlayerQ.every.Holds x✝ = (x✝ = 3)
- PottsEtAl2016.PlayerQ.exactlyOne.Holds x✝ = (x✝ = 1)
- PottsEtAl2016.PlayerQ.no.Holds x✝ = (x✝ = 0)
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
A statement (18c) applies a quantifier over players to a quantifier over shots.
Equations
Instances For
A statement is true at a state under a lexicon when its quantifier over players holds of the number of players whose outcome satisfies its quantifier over shots.
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.Stmt.Truth l s w = s.1.Holds (Multiset.countP (PottsEtAl2016.ShotQ.Holds l s.2) w.outcomes)
Instances For
Equations
The extension of a statement under a lexicon.
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.stmtSem l s = Finset.filter (PottsEtAl2016.Stmt.Truth l s) Finset.univ
Instances For
The messages (18c) are the statements and the null message of (12a).
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.Msg = Option PottsEtAl2016.Stmt
Instances For
Equations
The extension of a message under a lexicon, the null message true at every state.
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.sem l m = Option.elim m Finset.univ (PottsEtAl2016.stmtSem l)
Instances For
Every player hit some of his shots.
Instances For
Exactly one player hit some of his shots.
Instances For
No player hit some of his shots.
Instances For
The lexica agree off some, and the refinement narrows the extension of some under every while widening it under no, the source of the asymmetry; under exactly one the refinement admits the locally enriched states NSA and SAA.
The model (13), (18), (19) #
The cost (18d) is k for the null message and 0 for every statement.
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.cost k m = Option.elim m k fun (x : PottsEtAl2016.Stmt) => 0
Instances For
The literal listener (13a) conditions a flat prior on the message's extension.
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.L0 l = RSA.listener (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) (RSA.truthful fun (m : PottsEtAl2016.Msg) => ↑(PottsEtAl2016.sem l m))
Instances For
The speaker (13b).
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.S1 α k l = RSA.speaker α (PottsEtAl2016.cost k) (⇑(PottsEtAl2016.L0 l)) MeasureTheory.Measure.dirac
Instances For
The uncertainty listener (13c) inverts the lexicon-indexed speaker against flat priors over states and lexica; its state marginal is the paper's listener.
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.L1 α k = RSA.listener (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) fun (p : PottsEtAl2016.World × PottsEtAl2016.Lex) => (PottsEtAl2016.S1 α k p.2) p.1
Instances For
The fixed-lexicon pragmatic listener (19b) inverts the base lexicon's speaker at a flat prior.
Equations
- PottsEtAl2016.L1fixed α k = RSA.listener (ProbabilityTheory.uniformOn Set.univ) ⇑(PottsEtAl2016.S1 α k PottsEtAl2016.Lex.weak)
Instances For
Support: local enrichment (§6.3) #
Hearing exactly one player hit some of his shots, the uncertainty listener gives mass to the locally enriched states NSA and SAA, false on the literal construal, and the fixed-lexicon listener none.
Hearing no player hit some of his shots, the uncertainty listener gives mass to the locally enriched states NNA, NAA and AAA, and the fixed-lexicon listener none.
Preference orderings (§6.2, §6.3) #
The speaker's share of a statement is its informativity weight over the weights of the statements true at the state plus the null message's weight.
The weights and the sums #
The two lexica as Fin 2, for sums over the family.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The quantifiers over players as Fin 3.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The quantifiers over shots as Fin 3.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Hearing every player hit some of his shots, the uncertainty listener ranks the locally enriched SSS above the other true states and AAA below the two remaining ones, the ordering of the human responses.
Hearing exactly one player hit some of his shots, the uncertainty listener still prefers the literal construal NNS most, above NNA and above the locally enriched NSA and SAA.
Hearing no player hit some of his shots, the uncertainty listener still prefers the literal construal NNN most, above the locally enriched NNA, NAA and AAA.