Pietraszko (2026): In Defense of the Clause-Internal Phase #
This file formalizes the argument of [Pie26] that VoiceP in Zimbabwean Ndebele is
a phase, from its opacity to A-movement and φ-agreement rather than from footprints of
successive-cyclic movement. A subject may move to Spec,TP and control agreement on T (5), or
stay in situ under default agreement (6); of the three sources of a missing probe–goal
relation (8), the account is locality: T always bears EPP and φ, VoiceP is a phase under the
strong Phase Impenetrability Condition of [Cho00], and Voice bears EPP optionally (9),
(10). A subject that reaches Spec,VoiceP is visible to every head above and, operations being
obligatory when possible with an unchecked EPP tolerated as in [Pre14], moves on to
Spec,TP; a subject left in the phase's complement is invisible to them all. Hence movement and
agreement go together (11)–(14) (simple_clause); auxiliary constructions agree on every head
or on none and admit no intermediate landing site (16)–(21) (auxV_uniform,
auxV_no_partial); a reduced clause whose highest head is Asp lets Asp attract the subject on
its own (34)–(42) (reduced_clause); a subject that leaves its VoiceP has agreed with T on the
way (25)–(28) (agrees_of_lt_landing); and hyperraising yields the four subject positions of
(77) from the EPP of the phase heads alone, the VP-internal one included (69), (76)
(hyperraising_sites). The general form is phase-delimited movement (79): movement within a
phase is obligatory (phase_internal_obligatory), and a phase head without EPP freezes the
subject below it (cross_phasal_frozen). The account with an optional [EPP, φ] on T of
[CM15a] admits the unattested partial patterns (30), (31) and default
agreement on a T the subject has crossed (25) (optional_T_overgenerates), where the phasal
account excludes them.
Implementation notes #
A clause is the list of heads above the subject's base position, bottom-up, each with its
category and whether it bears EPP, a φ-probe, and heads a phase; one bottom-up pass computes
the subject's landing site and the heads it is accessible to: an EPP head attracts an
accessible subject to its specifier and a phase head without EPP freezes it in its complement
(stateAt, landing, Accessible). The rival account is the same derivation with Voice
non-phasal and [EPP, φ] optional on T and Asp. The expletive-pro account of [Hal15]
(§3.2), the antifocus account of [Zel15] (§4), the modification of [Hen06],
object dislocation (55) and the information-structural properties of the two orders are prose.
The trees the derivation builds (treeAt) tie the spine to the substrate's phases: on them the
spine's accessibility is [Cho00]'s condition (simple_accessible_iff,
auxV_accessible_iff, reduced_accessible_iff), and [Cho01]'s would let T reach a subject
left in VoiceP (nextPhase_overgenerates).
References #
Clauses and the derivation (§2.2) #
A head of the clausal spine, as subject movement sees it, has a category and records whether it bears EPP, a φ-probe, and heads a phase.
- cat : Minimalist.Cat
- epp : Bool
- phi : Bool
- phase : Bool
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- Pietraszko2026.instReprHead = { reprPrec := Pietraszko2026.instReprHead.repr }
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A clause is the list of heads above the subject's base position, bottom-up.
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The derivational state of the subject records its height, 0 in situ and i + 1 in the
specifier of the head at index i, and whether it is frozen in a phase's complement.
- height : ℕ
- frozen : Bool
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- Pietraszko2026.instDecidableEqState.decEq { height := a, frozen := a_1 } { height := b, frozen := b_1 } = if h : a = b then h ▸ if h : a_1 = b_1 then h ▸ isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Pietraszko2026.instReprState = { reprPrec := Pietraszko2026.instReprState.repr }
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When the head at index i is merged, an EPP head attracts an accessible subject to its
specifier, a phase head without EPP freezes an accessible subject in its complement, and
otherwise the subject stays where it is.
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The state after merging the first n heads.
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- Pietraszko2026.stateAt sp 0 = { height := 0, frozen := false }
- Pietraszko2026.stateAt sp n.succ = match sp[n]? with | some h => Pietraszko2026.step n h (Pietraszko2026.stateAt sp n) | none => Pietraszko2026.stateAt sp n
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The subject's landing site is its height once the clause is built.
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- Pietraszko2026.landing sp = (Pietraszko2026.stateAt sp (List.length sp)).height
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The subject is accessible to the head at index i when it is not frozen as that head is
merged.
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- Pietraszko2026.Accessible sp i = ((Pietraszko2026.stateAt sp i).frozen = false)
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The head at index i agrees with the subject when it bears a φ-probe and the subject is
accessible to it.
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- Pietraszko2026.Agrees sp i = match sp[i]? with | some h => h.phi = true ∧ Pietraszko2026.Accessible sp i | none => False
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The heads of Ndebele #
T, with EPP and φ.
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- Pietraszko2026.T = { cat := Minimalist.Cat.T, epp := true, phi := true, phase := false }
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Asp, with EPP and φ (§2.4, §3.1.3).
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- Pietraszko2026.Asp = { cat := Minimalist.Cat.Asp, epp := true, phi := true, phase := false }
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Voice, a phase head, with EPP e (§2.2).
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- Pietraszko2026.Voice e = { cat := Minimalist.Cat.Voice, epp := e, phi := false, phase := true }
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C, a phase head, with EPP e (§4).
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- Pietraszko2026.C e = { cat := Minimalist.Cat.C, epp := e, phi := false, phase := true }
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The matrix V of a raising verb, with EPP (§4).
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- Pietraszko2026.raisingV = { cat := Minimalist.Cat.V, epp := true, phi := false, phase := false }
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A simple clause (9), (10).
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An auxiliary construction (17), (19): Asp and T above Voice.
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A reduced clause (40): Asp is the highest head.
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Hyperraising (77): the embedded Voice and T, C, the matrix raising verb, and the matrix Voice and T.
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Predictions (§2.3, §2.4, §3.1.3, §4) #
Hyperraising (77): the subject stays in situ when the embedded Voice lacks EPP, stops in the embedded Spec,TP when C lacks EPP, in the matrix VP when the matrix Voice lacks EPP (69), (76), and reaches the matrix Spec,TP otherwise.
Phase-delimited movement (79) #
The subject never sits above the heads merged so far.
Phase-internal movement is obligatory (79i): a head bearing EPP attracts the subject whenever it is accessible, so the subject lands at least in its specifier.
Cross-phasal movement needs EPP on the phase head (79ii): a phase head without EPP freezes an accessible subject in its complement, so the subject lands below it and no higher head can reach it.
The optional [EPP, φ] on T (§3.1) #
The account of [CM15a]: Voice is not a phase and each inflectional head
bears [EPP, φ] optionally, Asp with a and T with t.
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On that account an embedded T may lack [EPP, φ] below C and a raising verb, the configuration of raising to object.
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The optional-probe account overgenerates: Asp alone may attract and agree with the subject (30), T alone may (31), and the subject may raise to object across a non-agreeing T (25), the patterns the phasal account excludes.
The trees the derivation builds #
The object.
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- Pietraszko2026.obj = { item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.D [] "obj", id := 0 }
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The subject.
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- Pietraszko2026.subj = { item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.D [] "subj", id := 1 }
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The verb.
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- Pietraszko2026.V = { item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.V [Minimalist.Cat.D] "V", id := 2 }
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The head that introduces the subject, below Voice (fn. 3).
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- Pietraszko2026.v = { item := Minimalist.LexicalItem.of Minimalist.Cat.v [Minimalist.Cat.V, Minimalist.Cat.D] "v", id := 3 }
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The head at index i of a spine, selecting the category of the head below it.
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The phase heads of a spine.
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- Pietraszko2026.phaseHeads sp = List.map (fun (x : Pietraszko2026.Head × ℕ) => Pietraszko2026.tokOf sp x.2 x.1) (List.filter (fun (x : Pietraszko2026.Head × ℕ) => x.1.phase) (List.zipIdx sp))
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The copy of the subject at height j, when it is pronounced at height k.
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- Pietraszko2026.copyAt k j = if j = k then ↑Pietraszko2026.subj else Minimalist.PlanarSyntacticObject.traceOf Pietraszko2026.subj
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Once the first n heads are merged, the tree has the subject pronounced at its height then,
with deleted copies at its base and in every specifier it passed through.
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The subject is accessible under the condition s to the head at index i, merged on the tree
built so far.
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In simple clauses (9)–(14) the subject is accessible to a head exactly when it is under [Cho00]'s condition on the tree the derivation has built.
The same in auxiliary constructions (16)–(21).
The same in reduced clauses (34)–(42).
Under [Cho01]'s condition T would reach a subject left in the complement of Voice and agree with it, against the default agreement of (6) and (11).