Pancheva and Zubizarreta (2018): The Person Case Constraint #
This file formalizes the predictions of Pancheva and Zubizarreta's P-Constraint, the
proposal that Person Case Constraint effects are the syntactic encoding of perspective: an
interpretable person feature on the applicative head marks the indirect object as the
point-of-view center of its domain, and a clitic combination is licit exactly when selecting
the indirect object as that center satisfies the constraint (ApplDomain,
PConstraintSatisfied, isLicit_iff_pConstraint). The Person Hierarchy 1 > 2 > 3 is derived
from the count of positive person features rather than stipulated
(personHierarchy_from_features). The constraint's four parameters, the prominence
threshold, the domain of application, P-Uniqueness, and P-Primacy, generate the five attested
varieties, strong, ultra-strong, weak, super-strong, and me-first, together with three
predicted ones, each checked against the paper's examples (strong_predictions and its
siblings, french_strong_examples and its siblings), and the attested varieties are ordered
by containment of their licit sets (strong_le_ultra, ultra_le_weak, super_le_strong).
The three prominence values correspond to Sells's logophoric roles pivot, self, and source
(prominenceToSellsRole).
Implementation notes #
The grammars and the licitness predicate live in Syntax/Agreement/PersonCaseConstraint.
The Italian and Spanish clitic combinations are read off the Fragments, the French, Catalan,
Kambera, and Bulgarian ones off the parameter settings, since no clitic Fragment exists for
those languages. The paper's separation of the Clitic Logophoric Restriction from the PCC,
against the unification Charnavel and Mateu propose, the two phenomena sharing only
the point-of-view marking on the applicative head, is not represented: the restriction is a
semantic constraint outside this model.
TODO #
The substrate's P-Primacy checks only the indirect object's [+author], so the ultra-strong
grammar licenses the ⟨1, 1⟩ combination that the descriptive statement (14d) bans
(ultra_one_one_licensed); the paper does not walk the mechanism through that cell.
References #
The applicative domain #
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The P-Constraint holds over an Appl domain when the domain is exempt, or the indirect object is the point-of-view center, satisfies the prominence threshold, and P-Uniqueness holds or P-Primacy rescues it.
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A clitic combination is licit exactly when the domain with the indirect object as point-of-view center satisfies the P-Constraint, the parametric clauses being the conditions on that selection, the only felicitous derivation being the one in which Appl agrees with the argument it introduces (§4.5).
The Person Hierarchy #
The positive person features of a person are the prominence values it meets by its own features, first person bearing proximate, participant, and author, second person the first two, and third person none (11).
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The Person Hierarchy is derived, the prominence order coinciding with the order by count of positive features (§2.1).
The varieties (§4) #
Under the strong PCC (14a) the direct object must be third person.
Under the ultra-strong PCC (14d) P-Primacy lets a first-person indirect object rescue a local direct object, so ⟨1, 2⟩ is licit and ⟨2, 1⟩ is not.
Under the weak PCC (14b), without P-Uniqueness, any local indirect object licenses any direct object; only a third-person indirect object with a local direct object is banned.
Under the super-strong PCC (14e) the indirect object must be local and the direct object third person.
Under the me-first PCC (14c) a first-person direct object needs a first-person indirect object, and the restricted domain exempts every combination without a first-person argument; ⟨1, 1⟩ falls to P-Uniqueness.
The first predicted variety (32a) has [+participant] prominence with P-Primacy.
The second predicted variety (32b) has [+participant] prominence without P-Uniqueness.
The third predicted variety (33) has [+author] prominence over an unrestricted domain, so only a first-person indirect object licenses, and P-Uniqueness then excludes ⟨1, 1⟩.
Restricting the domain to applicatives with a participant argument while setting the threshold to [+participant] yields a grammar whose licit set is the strong PCC's (§4.5); the paper locates the residual difference in Clitic Logophoric Restriction effects on third-person combinations, outside this model.
Containment among the attested varieties (§4.5) #
Activating P-Primacy only enlarges the licit region.
Dropping P-Uniqueness enlarges it further.
The [+participant] threshold of the super-strong variety is stricter than the [+proximate] threshold of the strong one.
Logophoric roles (§6.2) #
The prominence values are the logophoric roles of [Sel87], proximate arguments being pivots, participants selves, and authors sources.
Equations
- PanchevaZubizarreta2018.prominenceToSellsRole PCC.ProminenceThreshold.proximate = Reference.LogophoricRole.pivot
- PanchevaZubizarreta2018.prominenceToSellsRole PCC.ProminenceThreshold.participant = Reference.LogophoricRole.self
- PanchevaZubizarreta2018.prominenceToSellsRole PCC.ProminenceThreshold.author = Reference.LogophoricRole.source
Instances For
On the role hierarchy the strong family requires a pivot, the super-strong variety a self, and me-first and the [+author] predicted variety a source.
The paper's examples (§4) #
Italian dative gli is third person and accusative ti second, so the weak PCC bans the pair.
Italian ti la, second-person dative over third-person accusative, is licit.
Spanish te me (23), second-person dative over first-person accusative, is licit in the weak variety.
Spanish me te, first-person dative over second-person accusative, is licit as well.
Spanish me le (24), third-person dative over first-person accusative, is banned.
In French (16), a strong-PCC language, a third-person dative with a first-person accusative is out, while a second-person dative with a third-person accusative and two third persons are in.
Catalan (20), an ultra-strong-PCC language, shows the ⟨1, 2⟩ against ⟨2, 1⟩ asymmetry that separates the ultra-strong from the strong variety.
In Kambera (27), a super-strong-PCC language, the indirect object must be local and the direct object third person, so ⟨3, 3⟩ is banned as well.
In Bulgarian (29), a me-first-PCC language, ⟨3, 2⟩ is licit, where every [+proximate] variety bans it, and ⟨2, 1⟩ is not.
The ⟨1, 1⟩ corner #
Me-first bans two first-person arguments by P-Uniqueness on [+author], since neither is uniquely the perspectival source (§4.5).
The substrate's P-Primacy checks only the indirect object's [+author], so the ultra-strong grammar licenses ⟨1, 1⟩ where the descriptive statement (14d) bans it.
Me-first shows no ⟨3, 3⟩ effect. Without a first-person argument the domain is exempt, so the spurious-se restriction of the [+proximate] varieties is unavailable (§4.4).