Documentation

Studies.Olivier2026

Olivier (2026): Agree in Restructuring #

This file formalizes the account of auxiliary switch in [Oli26]. Auxiliary switch, BE in place of HAVE on a modal in a compound tense whose infinitive is unaccusative or reflexive — is ordinary auxiliary selection across a transparent restructuring domain. Auxiliary selection itself is not driven by argument structure: a person value carries the referential identity of its bearer, Voice's valued φ-set is redistributed by head splitting onto vAux[uPers] and VoicePrt[uGen, uNum], and the Vocabulary Items insert BE when [vAux + T] carry the same identity, HAVE elsewhere — so unaccusatives and bound reflexives take BE and transitives HAVE. In a restructuring clause the auxiliary belongs to the modal, and whether Voice(*) KEEPs its φ-features or SHAREs them with vMOD decides clitic climbing and the switch at once: KEEP leaves vAux featureless, HAVE; SHARE brings the bound reflexive's identity — the subject's — to vAux, BE. Prepositional clitics (y/ci, en/ne, lui/gli) climb without a switch since they introduce no coreferential person value, and a vAux that also probes the internal argument gives the Italian and Sardinian speakers' BE. Out of scope: conditions 1–2, which the restructuring structure presupposes; gender and number on the participle; impersonal si; the corpus counts. The simple compound tense is compound and the restructuring one Restructuring.matrixAux.

References #

Person values with identity #

[Person: X [ID: α]] (54): a person value with the referential index of its bearer; two values match for the Vocabulary Items (55) when their indices agree.

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    def Olivier2026.instDecidableEqIndexedPerson.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : IndexedPerson) :
    Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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        The clitics the paper distinguishes: the reflexive se/si, bound by the external argument through Voice* and so sharing its identity (54b), (60); the accusative le/lo and dative lui/gli, with identities of their own; the locative y/ci and partitive en/ne, which value a P-feature and carry no coreferential person (§7.3); and (65)'s je ne m'aurais pas foutu dehors, a reflexive whose identity is not its binder's (§6.2.3).

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          def Olivier2026.instReprClitic.repr :
          Clitic → ℕ → Std.Format
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            The "prepositional" clitics of §3.2.2 — locative, partitive and non-reflexive dative — which pronominalise PP-constituents and never introduce the subject's identity.

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              A clause by the class of its verb and its clitic, if any.

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                def Olivier2026.instDecidableEqClause.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : Clause) :
                Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                  def Olivier2026.instReprClause.repr :
                  Clause → ℕ → Std.Format
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                    The external argument's value carries index 0, the internal argument's 1, and any other bearer's — a cognate object (fn. 26), a detached reflexive — 2.

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                      The internal argument's value.

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                        The person/identity Voice(*) comes to bear after probing (58)–(61): the internal argument's for unaccusatives and transitives (a DP or an accusative clitic), the bound reflexive's — the external argument's identity — for reflexive verbs (60), the identity of its own for a detached reflexive (65), and a default value for the cognate object of unergatives (fn. 26).

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                          T's person/identity: the external argument's, or the raised internal argument's for unaccusatives (59).

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                            Vocabulary Items (55): BE when vAux and T carry the same identity, HAVE elsewhere — HAVE is the default auxiliary.

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                              Simple compound tenses (§6.2.2) #

                              The auxiliary of a simple compound tense (58): Voice splits, so vAux carries Voice's person/identity, and T carries the subject's.

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                                (59)–(61): identity matching yields the canonical distribution — BE with unaccusatives and reflexives, HAVE with transitives and unergatives — for every pair of persons.

                                Restructuring clauses (§5, §7) #

                                The transfer of Voice()'s φ-features to vMOD (45), after [Oua08]: KEEP leaves them on Voice(), SHARE puts them on vMOD as well. Ouali's third operation, DONATE, plays no role in the paper.

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                                    A modal in a compound tense over an infinitive (40): the embedded clause, whether Voice(*) KEEPs its φ-features or SHAREs them with vMOD (45), and whether a vAux that receives a prepositional clitic's P-feature also receives the internal argument's person (§7.3's "rich" vAux).

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                                      def Olivier2026.instDecidableEqRestructuring.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : Restructuring) :
                                      Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                          A clitic climbs iff its φ-features are shared upwards — it spells out on the head that bears them (45), clitic reduplication showing the copies (41)–(44).

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                                            The person/identity vAux receives after splitting vMOD: nothing under KEEP (69), (74); under SHARE, Voice's — unless a prepositional clitic climbed to a "poor" vAux, which then carries only its P-feature (§7.3).

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                                              Auxiliary Switch: the modal surfaces with BE.

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                                                instance Olivier2026.instDecidableSwitch (ea ia : Person) (r : Restructuring) :
                                                Decidable (Restructuring.Switch ea ia r)
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                                                (69), (74): under KEEP vAux is featureless, so the modal takes HAVE and no clitic climbs.

                                                theorem Olivier2026.share_switch_iff_selectsBe (ea ia : Person) (c : ArgumentStructure.TransitivityClass) (cl : Option Clitic) (hcl : cl ≠ some Clitic.detachedReflexive) (hp : (Option.map Clitic.prepositional cl).getD false = false) (rich : Bool) :
                                                Restructuring.Switch ea ia { embedded := { verb := c, clitic := cl }, transfer := TransferStyle.share, richAux := rich } ↔ c.SelectsBe

                                                Condition 3 derived: under SHARE, with no prepositional clitic, the modal switches to BE exactly when the infinitive is a BE-selecting predicate (71), (76) versus (61) — the identity vAux inherits is T's iff Voice probed the subject's bearer.

                                                theorem Olivier2026.reflexive_switch_iff_climbs (ea ia : Person) (t : TransferStyle) (rich : Bool) :
                                                Restructuring.Switch ea ia { embedded := { verb := ArgumentStructure.TransitivityClass.reflexive, clitic := some Clitic.reflexive }, transfer := t, richAux := rich } ↔ { embedded := { verb := ArgumentStructure.TransitivityClass.reflexive, clitic := some Clitic.reflexive }, transfer := t, richAux := rich }.climbs

                                                Condition α and Table 1: with a reflexive infinitive, AS obtains exactly when the reflexive clitic climbs — (19b)/(20a) against (19a)/(20b) — so there is no AS without climbing.

                                                §7.2: with an unaccusative infinitive and no clitic nothing but the auxiliary distinguishes SHARE (75)/(76) from KEEP (73)/(74) — AS is optional.

                                                theorem Olivier2026.prepositional_climbing (ea ia : Person) (cl : Clitic) (hcl : cl.prepositional = true) (rich : Bool) :
                                                { embedded := { verb := ArgumentStructure.TransitivityClass.unaccusative, clitic := some cl }, transfer := TransferStyle.share, richAux := rich }.climbs ∧ (Restructuring.Switch ea ia { embedded := { verb := ArgumentStructure.TransitivityClass.unaccusative, clitic := some cl }, transfer := TransferStyle.share, richAux := rich } ↔ rich = true)

                                                §7.3: a prepositional clitic climbing out of an unaccusative leaves HAVE when vAux carries only its P-feature ((25)–(27), (36)), BE when vAux also probes the internal argument ((28)–(30), (37a)).

                                                theorem Olivier2026.accusative_climbing (ea ia : Person) (rich : Bool) :
                                                { embedded := { verb := ArgumentStructure.TransitivityClass.transitive, clitic := some Clitic.accusative }, transfer := TransferStyle.share, richAux := rich }.climbs ∧ Restructuring.matrixAux ea ia { embedded := { verb := ArgumentStructure.TransitivityClass.transitive, clitic := some Clitic.accusative }, transfer := TransferStyle.share, richAux := rich } = Verb.PerfectAuxiliary.have

                                                (31), [CS04]'s lo sarei voluto andare a trovare aside: an accusative clitic climbs out of a transitive infinitive without AS — its identity is not the subject's.

                                                Varieties (§7.1) #

                                                The grammars the paper compares by the transfers they admit: Modern French only KEEP, earlier French and Standard Italian both, Sardinian only SHARE.

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                                                  def Olivier2026.instReprVariety.repr :
                                                  Variety → ℕ → Std.Format
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                                                    (38): in Sardinian the reflexive clitic climbs and the modal takes BE, obligatorily.

                                                    Modern French: KEEP alone yields neither climbing nor AS — (2a), (3a); the attested AS of §3.3 is the SHARE derivation (71) surfacing in a grammar that does not usually use it.