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Studies.NapoliNespor1976

Napoli & Nespor (1976): Negatives in Comparatives #

This file formalizes [NN76]'s account of the Italian non that appears in comparative clauses without reversing truth conditions, Maria è più intelligente di quanto non sia Carlo 'Maria is more intelligent than Carlo is'. Against [AP71]'s pleonastic element and [Seu69]'s underlyingly negative than-clause, the paper takes this non₂ to be real negation licensed by the discourse move: the speaker presupposes that the assertion contradicts a belief inferred from the interlocutor's prior discourse, the move is an assertion, the matrix clause is not negated, and the construction does not demand precise knowledge of the compared degrees (Move.Licensed). The acceptability paradigm of dialogues between Dario and Paolo, comparative constructions, and an indirect question records the facts of each move with the reported judgment, and paradigm_licensed_iff shows the four conditions reproduce every judgment. Six morphosyntactic diagnostics witness the underlying negation: subjunctive mood and non-specific indefinites in the than-clause, the complementizer che, the predicative clitic lo, neanche-conjunction, and the weak NPI pur. The NPI affatto, which requires precise knowledge of the listener's belief, is excluded from every non₂-comparative by the precision condition (pur_admissible, affatto_blocked).

Implementation notes #

The paper's own implementation, a Generative Semantics abstract higher clause hosting non₂ and optionally deleted, is not formalized; only the licensing conditions and their surface diagnostics are. The paper's condition on precision splits into two facts of a move: whether the contradicted belief was inferred or stated explicitly, and whether the construction, an equality comparative or an explicit degree modifier, demands precise knowledge of the degrees.

References #

TODO #

The paradigm's moves are typed from the paper's descriptions of its dialogues; the dialogues themselves are not yet rows of Data/Examples/NapoliNespor1976.json.

The licensing condition #

The speaker's relation to the belief the assertion contradicts.

  • inferred : PriorBelief

    The interlocutor's prior discourse implies a contrary belief.

  • explicit : PriorBelief

    The interlocutor stated the contrary belief explicitly.

  • absent : PriorBelief

    No contrary belief is in play.

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      The constructions hosting a non₂ candidate.

      • piu : Construction

        più … di quanto.

      • meno : Construction

        meno … di quanto.

      • equality : Construction

        The equality comparative tanto … quanto.

      • explicitDegree : Construction

        A comparative with an explicit degree modifier, molto più, due metri più.

      • indirectQuestion : Construction

        An indirect question, chissà se.

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          The construction demands precise knowledge of the compared degrees.

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            A discourse move hosting a non₂ candidate.

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              def NapoliNespor1976.instDecidableEqMove.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : Move) :
              Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                def NapoliNespor1976.instReprMove.repr :
                Move → ℕ → Std.Format
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                  The licensing condition on non₂: the assertion contradicts a belief the speaker inferred from the interlocutor's discourse, the move is an assertion, the matrix is affirmative, and the construction does not demand precision.

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                    The acceptability paradigm #

                    Four dialogues between Dario and Paolo vary the speaker's epistemic state, comparative constructions isolate the remaining conditions, with meno-comparatives as the positive control, and an indirect question shows the condition is a property of the move rather than of comparative syntax.

                    A row of the paradigm: the move and the reported acceptability of non₂.

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                      def NapoliNespor1976.instDecidableEqRow.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : Row) :
                      Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                        def NapoliNespor1976.instReprRow.repr :
                        Row → ℕ → Std.Format
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                          An assertion of Maria è più intelligente di quanto non sia Carlo against a prior belief of the given status.

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                            Dario gives no opinion of Maria or Carlo; Paolo asserts that Maria is more intelligent.

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                              Dario implies Carlo would beat Maria at chess; Paolo asserts that Maria is more intelligent.

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                                Dario's complaint implies he expects Maria cannot help; Paolo asserts she is smart enough to ask.

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                                  È più intelligente di quanto non sia Carlo?: the move is a question.

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                                    Maria non è più intelligente di quanto non sia Carlo: the matrix is negated.

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                                      Maria è tanto intelligente quanto è Carlo: an equality comparative demands precise knowledge of the compared degrees.

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                                        Molto più intelligente, due metri più alta: an explicit degree modifier demands precise knowledge of the gap.

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                                          Maria è meno intelligente di quanto tu non creda: a meno-comparative admits non₂ under the same conditions as più, while a negated equality comparative, semantically close to it, rejects non₂, so the equality restriction cannot reduce to equality linking two similar things (contra [Seu69] and [AP71]).

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                                            Chissà se non vale la pena di comprarlo: an indirect question whose negated proposition the speaker presupposes to be contrary to expectation.

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                                              The paper's acceptability paradigm.

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                                                The four conditions reproduce the paper's judgment on every row, each condition failing on its own row.

                                                Morphosyntactic diagnostics for underlying negation #

                                                Two diagnostics are forced choices in the than-clause, mood and the specificity of indefinites; four are admissibility asymmetries, in which the marked alternant (the complementizer che, the predicative clitic lo, neanche-conjunction, the weak NPI pur) is possible only under licensed non₂ while the default (di quanto, a repeated predicate, plain conjunction) remains available throughout.

                                                Specificity of indefinites embedded in the than-clause.

                                                • unrestricted : SpecificityProfile

                                                  Both specific and non-specific readings are available.

                                                • nonspecificOnly : SpecificityProfile

                                                  Only the non-specific reading, under the scope of underlying negation.

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                                                    The Italian comparative complementizers.

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                                                        Whether the predicative clitic lo substitutes for a repeated predicate adjective in the than-clause.

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                                                          def NapoliNespor1976.instReprClitic.repr :
                                                          Clitic → ℕ → Std.Format
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                                                            Mood of the than-clause: subjunctive exactly under licensed non₂, the paper's optional deletion of non₂ deriving surface subjunctive without non; lexical mood control by credere and its kin is abstracted away.

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                                                              Embedded indefinites are restricted to the non-specific reading under licensed non₂.

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                                                                A clitic-less comparative is always available; lo only under non₂, and optionally.

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                                                                  An item that needs its clause negated at some level, neanche in a conjunction or the NPI pur, is admissible in a comparative iff non₂ is licensed there; the negation requirement is the item's Fragment entry.

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                                                                    Affatto 'at all' needs its clause negated and requires precise knowledge of the listener's belief, which a belief only inferred from the listener's discourse does not give.

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                                                                      Pur is admissible wherever non₂ is licensed.

                                                                      Affatto meets the negation requirement wherever non₂ is licensed, like pur.

                                                                      Affatto is inadmissible in every non₂-comparative: non₂ requires inferred and imprecise knowledge of the listener's belief, affatto precise knowledge.