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Studies.McPhersonLamont2026

McPherson and Lamont (2026): Poko Postlexical Tone Requires Serial, Directional Evaluation #

This file formalizes the argument of [McPL26] that Poko postlexical tone resists global constraint evaluation. No ranking or weighting of the paper's four faithfulness constraints derives both nān + rī^H + nā 'I ate a pig' and kāk^H + rī^H 'his pig': the ranking argument is an inconsistent set of elementary ranking conditions derived from the candidates' violation profiles (parallel_OT_inadequate), and the weighting argument a contradiction in which one constraint's weight must both exceed and fall below a sum of others (weighted_HG_inadequate). Directional Harmonic Serialism after [Lam22d], with the constraint against floating tones evaluated left to right, converges on every attested form, whereas right-to-left evaluation converges on the wrong form and a count-based constraint yields a divergent tie ([Pru09]); the further tableaux show the repair of falling contours, the blocking of crowding, and forced tautomorphemic docking. Every step witness is decided.

Implementation notes #

The lexical data live in Fragments.Poko.Tone; the tableaux, rankings, and serial derivations are the substrate's harmonic-serialism and tableau apparatus.

References #

Candidates (eqs. 57, 58) #

Winner/loser candidate pairs from [McPL26] eqs. 57 and 58.

  • nanWinner : Cand

    (57c) winner of /nān + rī^H + nā/: rī's H docks rightward onto nā.

  • nanLoser : Cand

    In the (57b) loser, the floating H deletes instead.

  • kakWinner : Cand

    (58c) winner of /kāk^H + rī^H/: both floating Hs delete.

  • kakLoser : Cand

    In the unattested MAX(H)-dominant winner (58b), one H docks and one deletes.

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    Constraints (eq. 7, eq. 59 columns) #

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      Constraint indices in ranking.

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              Derived ERCs #

              ERC of a winner/loser pair via ercOfProfiles ([Pri02]).

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                The ranking paradox (eq. 59) #

                Parallel OT cannot model Poko (eq. 59): the derived support is ERC-inconsistent, since no ranking of the four constraints satisfies both of its ERCs.

                Weighted HG inadequacy #

                Weighted HG cannot model Poko, since MAX(H) must both exceed and undercut the other three weights' sum (paper p. 32) and no ℚ-weighting satisfies both.

                Shared fig. 2 ranking #

                Left-to-right directional HS over stdRanking — the paper's positive analysis.

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                  Fig. 3: LR vs RL over /kāk^H + rī^H + dō^H/ #

                  Fig. 3 input /kāk^H + rī^H + dō^H/: each M linked, each H floating.

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                    The LR final form [kāk rī dō]: all floating Hs deleted (fig. 3 thick line).

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                      The RL final form *[kāk rī dó] (fig. 3; RL evaluation as in the two-stem eq. 61).

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                        Step witnesses #

                        In LR step 1, H-kāk deletes, since *TAUTDOCK and *CROWD block its dockings (60b).

                        In LR step 2, H-rī deletes, blocked by *CROWD (right), no-crossing (left) and *TAUTDOCK (own).

                        In RL step 1, the rightmost floating H (H-dō) deletes.

                        In RL step 2, the wrong-form seed, H-rī docks onto the now-uncrowded dō.

                        In RL step 4, *FALL repairs dō's HM contour and MAX(H) ≫ MAX(M) deletes the M.

                        LR and RL converge to distinct surface forms.

                        Regular HS: the divergent tie (eq. 62) #

                        The divergent tie ([Pru09]): the three single-deletion candidates all tie. (The paper's "no tie-breaker whatsoever helps" strengthening stays editorial.)

                        The regular-HS optimum has three elements.

                        The directional-LR optimum is a singleton.

                        Regular HS strictly underdetermines the step that directional HS decides.

                        Eq. (24): LR with *FALL repair #

                        Eq. (24) input /nãn + rī^H + nã/; H-rī is the only floating tone.

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                          Attested [nãn rī ná]: H-rī docks onto nã, then *FALL repair deletes M-nã.

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                            In step 1, H-rī docks rightward onto nã (24d).

                            In step 2, *FALL repairs the contour by deleting M-nã, as MAX(H) ≫ MAX(M) (24g).

                            Eq. (21): phrase-final floating-H deletion #

                            Eq. (21) input /nãn + rī^H/ (phrase-final): no rightward landing site.

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                              Eq. (27): *CROWD blocks docking onto an MH stem #

                              Eq. (27) input /kāk^H + kǎ/; kǎ carries a linked MH contour.

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                                In step 1, H-kāk deletes, since *CROWD blocks docking onto the two-tone kǎ (27b).

                                Eq. (30): *M◁L forces tautomorphemic docking #

                                Eq. (30) input /kāk^H + ìlí/; ìlí carries a linked LH contour (L% omitted).

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                                  Eq. (30) ranking: stdRanking plus *M◁L above *TAUTDOCK — the inversion that licenses tautomorphemic docking (30c).

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                                    Attested [kǎk ìlí]: H-kāk docks onto its own TBU, making an MH contour.

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                                      In step 1, the tone docks tautomorphemically, since deletion would create M◁L tier adjacency (30c).

                                      LR converges despite the standing *TAUTDOCK violation (30e).

                                      Eq. (22): HAVETONE drives docking onto a toneless stem #

                                      Eq. (22a) input /nãn + rī^H + ne/; ne is toneless.

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                                        In step 1, H-rī docks onto ne, as HAVETONE prefers docking over deletion.

                                        Deferred: GEN shift and insert-and-associate ops, L% boundary tone, §§3.3–3.4 tableaux #

                                        Candidate strictly extends the [Rol18] overwrite encoding #

                                        Embed a Tone.overwrite output as a form with one morpheme m and links (i, i).

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                                          theorem Autosegmental.Form.ofTBUList_linksTo_subsingleton {S : Type u_1} (host : List (Tone.TBU S)) (m : Morphology.Morph) (i : Fin (ofTBUList host m).lower.length) :
                                          ((Candidate.input (ofTBUList host m)).linksTo i).length ≤ 1

                                          The faithful candidate of an embedded form carries at most one surface tone per TBU.

                                          theorem Autosegmental.Candidate.exists_multi_tone_TBU :
                                          ∃ (u : Form Unit Tone.TRN Morphology.Morph) (c : Candidate u) (i : Fin u.lower.length), 2 ≤ (c.linksTo i).length

                                          A candidate with two surface tones on one TBU, which no faithful candidate of an ofTBUList form has.