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Studies.McCarthyPrince1995

McCarthy and Prince (1995): Faithfulness and Reduplicative Identity #

This file formalizes three analyses from McCarthy and Prince's correspondence theory of reduplication. In the basic model a reduplicated form has an input stem, a base and a reduplicant, with faithfulness between input and base and identity between base and reduplicant, and a phonological constraint interacts with both. Javanese deletes intervocalic h, and in a suffixed reduplication the h is lost from both copies although only one is intervocalic, which is overapplication (§3.4). Balangao copies the first two syllables of the base without the final coda although the language allows codas, which is emergence of the unmarked (§4.2). Akan palatalizes a velar before a front vowel, but not in the reduplicant of kɪ–ka, which is underapplication (§5.1).

A candidate here is a correspondence between the input stem, the base and the reduplicant, and every constraint is computed from it: MAX and IDENT from the correspondence, and the phonological constraints from the surface string. The rankings are not fixed in advance. Each result says which rankings of the paper's constraints select which candidate.

Main definitions #

Main results #

Implementation notes #

Javanese is analysed with suffixing reduplication, the paper's tableau (39). Its prefixing alternative (38), where DEP-BR does the work of MAX-BR, is not formalized. A coda is counted as a consonant that no vowel follows, which suffices for the CV(C) syllables of the Balangao forms. The paper measures OCP(+cor) by featural duplication in dissimilar constituents and prints three marks for the overapplying candidate of (131) without spelling the count out. Here the constraint is violated once by a syllable with a palatal onset and a front vowel before a syllable with a coronal onset and a vowel that is not front, which agrees with the paper's verdicts on kita, tɕita, dʑidʑe and the three candidates. The Akan segments are those of the Akan fragment.

References #

Phonological constraints on a surface string #

def McCarthyPrince1995.codas {σ : Type u_1} (IsVowel : σ → Prop) [DecidablePred IsVowel] :
List σ → ℕ

The number of codas of a string, a coda being a consonant that no vowel follows.

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    def McCarthyPrince1995.intervocalic {σ : Type u_1} (IsVowel : σ → Prop) [DecidablePred IsVowel] [DecidableEq σ] (x : σ) :
    List σ → ℕ

    The number of occurrences of x between two vowels.

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      Javanese h-deletion: overapplication #

      The segments of bədah 'broken' and the demonstrative suffix -e.

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          The stem bədah.

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            The candidates of tableau (39) for /bədah–RED–e/.

            • overapplication : Candidate

              bəda–bəda–e, with h lost from base and reduplicant.

            • underapplication : Candidate

              bədah–bədah–e, with h kept in both.

            • normalApplication : Candidate

              bədah–bəda–e, with h lost where it is intervocalic.

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                The surface string, the base followed by the reduplicant and the suffix.

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                  The constraints of (39) are MAX-BR, *VhV and MAX-IO.

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                    theorem McCarthyPrince1995.Javanese.con_apply (i : Fin 3) (c : Candidate) :
                    con i c = if i = c.violated then 1 else 0

                    The cells of tableau (39), in which each candidate violates one constraint, once.

                    Tableau (39) under a ranking of its constraints.

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                      The winner of (39) is the candidate whose one violated constraint is ranked last.

                      With MAX-BR and *VhV above MAX-IO, the paper's skeletal ranking for overapplication, h is lost from both copies.

                      With *VhV above MAX-IO and MAX-IO above MAX-BR, application is normal.

                      Underapplication is out of reach. While *VhV dominates MAX-IO, as h-deletion in unreduplicated words requires, no ranking selects the candidate that keeps both hs.

                      Balangao: emergence of the unmarked #

                      The segments of tagtag.

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                          The stem tagtag.

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                            The stem without its final coda.

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                              The candidates of tableau (106) for /RED–tagtag/.

                              • unfaithfulBase : Candidate

                                tagta–tagta, with the final coda lost from the base too.

                              • exactCopy : Candidate

                                tagtag–tagtag, an exact copy.

                              • codalessReduplicant : Candidate

                                tagta–tagtag, with a reduplicant that lacks the final coda.

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                                  The surface string, the reduplicant followed by the base.

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                                    The constraints of (106) are MAX-IO, NO-CODA and MAX-BR.

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                                      theorem McCarthyPrince1995.Balangao.con_apply :
                                      (fun (x : Fin 3) => con x Candidate.unfaithfulBase) = ![1, 2, 0] ∧ (fun (x : Fin 3) => con x Candidate.exactCopy) = ![0, 4, 0] ∧ (fun (x : Fin 3) => con x Candidate.codalessReduplicant) = ![0, 3, 1]

                                      The cells of tableau (106).

                                      Tableau (106) under a ranking of its constraints.

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                                        The coda-sparing reduplicant wins exactly under MAX-IO ≫ NO-CODA ≫ MAX-BR, the paper's instance of the ranking for emergence of the unmarked.

                                        Akan palatalization: underapplication #

                                        A plain velar, which PAL requires to palatalize before a front vowel.

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                                          PAL counts the plain velars that stand before a front vowel.

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                                            OCP(+cor) counts the syllables of palatal onset and front vowel that stand before a syllable of coronal onset and a vowel that is not front, the clash of syllabic and segmental palatality.

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                                              By the paper's verdicts on OCP(+cor) in (127), kita obeys it and tɕita violates it, while a word whose two syllables are both palatal obeys it.

                                              The candidates of tableau (131) for /RED–ka/.

                                              • overapplication : Candidate

                                                tɕɪ–tɕa, palatalized in reduplicant and base.

                                              • normalApplication : Candidate

                                                tɕɪ–ka, palatalized before the front vowel only.

                                              • underapplication : Candidate

                                                kɪ–ka, not palatalized.

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                                                  The surface string, the reduplicant followed by the base.

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                                                    The constraints of (131) are OCP(+cor), IDENT-BR(−cor), PAL and IDENT-IO(−cor). An IDENT(−cor) constraint is violated by a [−coronal] segment whose correspondent is not [−coronal].

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                                                      theorem McCarthyPrince1995.Akan.con_apply :
                                                      (fun (x : Fin 4) => con x Candidate.overapplication) = ![1, 0, 0, 1] ∧ (fun (x : Fin 4) => con x Candidate.normalApplication) = ![0, 1, 0, 0] ∧ (fun (x : Fin 4) => con x Candidate.underapplication) = ![0, 0, 1, 0]

                                                      The cells of tableau (131), with one mark where the paper prints three for OCP(+cor).

                                                      Tableau (131) under a ranking of its constraints.

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                                                        While PAL dominates IDENT-IO(−cor), as palatalization in unreduplicated words requires, the unpalatalized kɪ–ka wins exactly when OCP(+cor) and IDENT-BR(−cor) both dominate PAL. The blocking constraint rules out overapplication and identity rules out normal application.