Magri (2025): Constraint Interaction in Probabilistic Phonology #
Hayes and Zuraw observed that the rates of a variable process on four forms crossing two
independent factors lie on two sigmoids shifted against each other at shared abscissas, which is
to say that their logits differ by a constant along each factor (§2.2,
exists_shiftedSigmoids_iff). Magri asks which modes of constraint interaction predict this. In
harmony-based probabilistic phonology a form's candidates have probabilities proportional to a
positive harmony of their violation profiles (23) (grammar), and the answer is a
characterization (§5.5): the grammar predicts the generalization (24) iff its harmony is
separable, a product of powers of positive unary functions each fed the violations of a single
constraint (30) (predictsHZ_iff_separable). Equivalently the harmony of any profile is the
product of the harmonies of its single-constraint profiles (32).
The maximum entropy grammar (14) is the MaxEnt distribution of the form's candidates
(grammar_meHarmony), and any separable grammar is the maximum entropy grammar of the
constraints rescaled by Ĉₖ = −log hₖ(Cₖ) (33), whose violations are no longer integers (35)
(grammar_prod_rpow). Feeding the weighted violations to the inverse function instead of the
exponential (27) is not separable: on the Tagalog square, whose rows and columns are independent
relative to six of Zuraw and Hayes's constraints (§2.3), it satisfies the constant difference only
when the two prefix constraints have equal weights or the two stem-nasal constraints have none
(§4.4, inverseHarmony_hz_tagalog_iff).
Implementation notes #
- A harmony is a function
(Fin n → ℕ) → ℝof violation profiles, positive and normalized as §4.1 assumes; decreasingness is not needed.PredictsHZis (24) for forms with the two candidates YES and NO, read astrueandfalse. Its log-odds form holds exactly for any number of candidates (Separable.interaction_logOdds_eq_zero), where §3.5 states the logits only approximately. - The converse direction takes one square per constraint. Letting constraint
kvary along the rows and the others along the columns givesH (update u k c) = H (single k c) * H (update u k 0), whence (32) by induction on the constraints. - The Tagalog square crosses the prefix constructions maŋ- OTHER and maŋ- RED-, which the paper calls maŋ- and paŋ- (footnote 1), with the stems /b/ and /k/. Its constraints are Zuraw and Hayes's less *[root m/n/ŋ, which penalizes every substitution (footnote 3).
- The weights of (30) add no generality to the class of separable harmonies, since
hₖ ^ wₖis itself a unary function (separable_iff_exists_prod); they matter to the grammars a learner can reach, not to the characterization.
References #
Shifted sigmoids (§2.1–2.2) #
Hayes and Zuraw's generalization (7). Four rates lie on two sigmoids at shared abscissas, the
bottom one shifted by δ, exactly when the differences of their logits along the two rows agree
((9), §2.2).
Harmony-based grammars (§4) #
The log-odds of candidate a against b for form x under harmony H, the log of the
ratio of their harmonies, which is the log of the ratio of their probabilities
(log_grammar_div).
Equations
- Magri2025.logOdds H con a b x = Real.log ((H fun (x_1 : Fin n) => con x_1 (x, a)) / H fun (x_1 : Fin n) => con x_1 (x, b))
Instances For
The harmony-based grammar (23) realizes form x as candidate y with probability
proportional to the harmony of the violation profile of (x, y).
Equations
- Magri2025.grammar H con x = MeasureTheory.Measure.count.tilted fun (y : Y) => Real.log (H fun (x_1 : Fin n) => con x_1 (x, y))
Instances For
The log-odds of two candidates are the log of the ratio of their probabilities, the normalizing constant cancelling.
When the form has only the two candidates, the logit of the first is its log-odds (17).
A harmony predicts HZ's generalization (24) when, on every square of forms with the two candidates YES and NO whose rows and columns are independent relative to the constraints, the logits of YES differ by the same amount along both rows.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
A harmony is separable (30) when it is a product of powers of positive unary functions, each fed the violations of a single constraint.
Equations
- Magri2025.Separable H = ∃ (h : Fin n → ℕ → ℝ) (w : Fin n → ℝ), (∀ (k : Fin n) (c : ℕ), 0 < h k c) ∧ ∀ (v : Fin n → ℕ), H v = ∏ k : Fin n, h k (v k) ^ w k
Instances For
The weights of (30) add no generality, since a separable harmony is a product of positive unary functions.
Separable harmonies predict the generalization (§5.4) #
Under a separable harmony the log-odds of any two candidates have zero interaction on every independent square, whatever the candidates, since the log-odds is a sum of per-constraint terms.
Separable harmonies predict HZ's generalization (§5.4).
Only separable harmonies predict the generalization (§5.5) #
A harmony predicting HZ's generalization splits off the violations of any one constraint.
A harmony predicting HZ's generalization satisfies (32).
The characterization of §5.5. A positive normalized harmony predicts HZ's generalization iff it is separable.
Separability (30) as (32), the harmony of a profile being the product of the harmonies of its single-constraint profiles.
Maximum entropy harmony (§3, §5.1) #
Maximum entropy harmony (14b) of a real-valued violation profile.
Equations
- Magri2025.meHarmony w r = Real.exp (-∑ k : Fin n, w k * r k)
Instances For
The maximum entropy grammar (14) is the MaxEnt distribution of the form's candidates.
Maximum entropy harmony is separable (29), with hₖ(x) = exp(−x) for every constraint.
Maximum entropy harmony predicts HZ's generalization (§3.6).
Constraint rescaling (§5.3) #
The rescaled constraint (33), Ĉₖ = −log hₖ(Cₖ).
Equations
- Magri2025.rescale h k c = -Real.log (h k c)
Instances For
Every separable harmony is maximum entropy harmony of the rescaled violations (34).
Any separable grammar is the maximum entropy grammar of the rescaled constraints (35), whose violations need not be integers.
Rescaling preserves the order of violation counts (footnote 14).
A rescaled constraint is satisfied iff the original is (footnote 15).
Rescaled violations are nonnegative (footnote 16).
The Tagalog square (§2.1, §2.3) #
The Tagalog square (11), maŋ- OTHER and maŋ- RED- crossed with /b/ and /k/.
Equations
Instances For
The six constraints of §2.3, *NC, *NC̥, *[stem ŋ, *[stem ŋ/n, and the Uniformity constraints of the two prefixes.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Prefixes and stems are independent dimensions (§2.3, Figure 3), the markedness constraints being insensitive to the prefix and the Uniformity constraints to the stem.
The inverse harmony (§4.4) #
The inverse harmony (27) feeds the weighted violations to h(x) = 1/(1+x) in place of
maximum entropy's exp(−x).
Equations
- Magri2025.inverseHarmony w v = (1 + w ⬝ᵥ Nat.cast ∘ v)⁻¹
Instances For
On the Tagalog square, the inverse harmony satisfies HZ's identity (28) only when the two prefix constraints have equal weights, or the two stem-nasal constraints have none (§4.4 and footnote 11).
The inverse harmony is not separable once the prefix constraints differ in weight and a stem-nasal constraint is active.