Docs / Studies / Studies.Krifka2026

Anaphora for Concepts, Kinds, and Parts in Dynamic Interpretation

Krifka, M. (2026). In Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 30

Krifka treats the head noun of a DP as introducing a discourse referent for a concept, a property with the noun's count feature. The kind pronouns take that concept to a kind: it takes the concept of a mass noun to its kind, and they the concept of a count noun to the kind of its plural closure, so a spider is resumed by them and mold by it. Krifka takes the feature to be formal, like grammatical gender, since pollen and pollen grains can describe the same stuff and are still resumed by it and them respectively, (8) and (12) on pp. 605–606. Concept referents are presupposed by the input assignment, as the referents of names are, so they survive negation, which is a test, while an entity referent introduced under negation does not. After John doesn't own a dog, the kind pronoun them is therefore interpretable and a partitive is not.

Implementation notes

  • Assignments are total functions into a heterogeneous value type with a value marking indices outside the domain; an anaphor's presupposition is a conjunct of its update, so a failed presupposition makes the update empty rather than undefined.
  • Negation is the paper's VP negation, the substrate's test (neg φ); the sentential negation with its condition that the negated existential extend the input differs only in ways irrelevant to projection. The concept referent's presupposition is a hypothesis of the projection theorems; the paper derives it from the head noun's partial lexical entry.
  • Which concepts sponsor kinds (dogs from the animal shelter does not) is left to the lexicon, as in the paper.
  • The count feature is read off the head noun's English entry: a count noun is one a numeral counts (ClassifiedNoun.IsCount).
  • Individuals form any join semilattice, as in the paper (§3); the models are Link's nonempty sets of atoms, Mereology.Individual. A kind is a function from worlds to partial individuals, and σ is ι of IsGreatest, as in (13a), so it is ∩, Kind.down. The sufficient condition for σ is stated for finite extensions (Kind.down_isSome_of_supClosed), where the paper has closure under arbitrary sums, since Link's model has no empty sum.

TODO

  • cattle, police and clothes are resumed by they although no numeral counts them, so reading the feature off the counting record selects it for them. The paper does not discuss such nouns; they need the feature recorded apart from the counting record.

References

Kinds from concepts

On a cumulative concept the plural closure changes nothing, so they and it denote the same kind ((16), (18d)).

theorem they_eq_down_of_supClosedL96–101
{World : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup E] {P : World → Set E} (h : ∀ (w : World), SupClosed (P w)) :

Built from

Concept discourse referents and anaphoric islands

L130–137

Under negation the concept referent persists and the entity referent does not (45); the asymmetry lies only in where the two referents are introduced.

theorem concept_entity_asymmetryL162–168
{World : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} {nC nE : ℕ} {P : World → Set E} {noun : English.Nouns.Noun} {φ : DynamicSemantics.Update (HAssign World E)} {g h : HAssign World E} (hPresup : g nC = DRefVal.concept P noun) (hNovel : g nE = DRefVal.undef) (hNeg : (g, h) ∈ DynamicSemantics.Update.test φ.neg) :
h nC = DRefVal.concept P noun ∧ h nE = DRefVal.undef

Built from

Concept, kind and partitive anaphors

After a negated sentence, the kind pronoun and the empty NP can take the concept referent, but a partitive cannot take the entity referent ((5a)–(5c)).

theorem anaphora_after_negationL191–200
{World : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup E] {nC nE m : ℕ} {P : World → Set E} {noun : English.Nouns.Noun} {φ : DynamicSemantics.Update (HAssign World E)} {g h : HAssign World E} (hPresup : g nC = DRefVal.concept P noun) (hNovel : g nE = DRefVal.undef) (hNeg : (g, h) ∈ DynamicSemantics.Update.test φ.neg) :
(∃ (h' : HAssign World E), (h, h') ∈ kindPronoun noun nC m) ∧ (∀ (K : (World → Set E) → DynamicSemantics.Update (HAssign World E)), (h, h) ∈ K P → (h, h) ∈ emptyNP nC K) ∧ ¬∃ (h' : HAssign World E), (h, h') ∈ partitive nE m

Built from , , ,

John doesn't own a dog