Documentation

Studies.Hofmann2025

Hofmann (2025): Anaphoric Accessibility with Flat Update #

Hofmann accounts for anaphora to negated indefinites in the intensional compositional DRT of Semantics/Dynamic/ICDRT.lean. An indefinite introduces its discourse referent globally, relative to the propositional referent of its local context, and a pronoun is acceptable when its referent exists throughout its own local context under a consistent assignment of speaker commitments. This file runs the fragment of the paper's Appendix C on its four-world model of the bathroom discourses.

Main statements #

Implementation notes #

TODO #

References #

Commitment and veridicality ((16), (36), (37)) #

@[reducible, inline]
abbrev Hofmann2025.VeridicalIndiv {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (φ_DC : ICDRT.PVar) (v : ICDRT.IVar) (i : ICDRT.State W E) :

An individual dref is veridical if it is entailed in the commitment set (36a), and hypothetical when it is not veridical (16b).

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    def Hofmann2025.CounterfactualIndiv {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (φ_DC : ICDRT.PVar) (v : ICDRT.IVar) (i : ICDRT.State W E) :

    An individual dref is counterfactual if it has no referent throughout the commitment set (37a).

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      def Hofmann2025.CounterfactualProp {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (φ_DC δ : ICDRT.PVar) (i : ICDRT.State W E) :

      A propositional dref is counterfactual if it is disjoint from the commitment set (37b).

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        theorem Hofmann2025.CounterfactualIndiv.not_veridicalIndiv {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} {φ_DC : ICDRT.PVar} {v : ICDRT.IVar} {i : ICDRT.State W E} (hc : CounterfactualIndiv φ_DC v i) (hDC : (i.prop φ_DC).Nonempty) :
        ¬VeridicalIndiv φ_DC v i

        Under consistent commitments a counterfactual dref is not veridical, so it is hypothetical, "more specifically, counterfactual" (16).

        theorem Hofmann2025.counterfactualProp_of_mem_eqCompl {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} {φ_DC φ φ' : ICDRT.PVar} {i : ICDRT.State W E} (hc : i ∈ ICDRT.eqCompl φ φ') (hdec : i ∈ ICDRT.incl φ_DC φ) :
        CounterfactualProp φ_DC φ' i

        Negation under assertion makes its prejacent counterfactual, since the commitments entail the negation's context (the condition of assertion, (20a)), the complement of the prejacent's.

        Accessibility (38) and the subset requirement (39) #

        def Hofmann2025.Accessible {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (φ : ICDRT.PVar) (v : ICDRT.IVar) (φ_DC : ICDRT.PVar) (i : ICDRT.State W E) :

        A dref υ is accessible (38) if it is entailed in the anaphor's local context φ and the commitment set is consistent. The paper's consistency (31) covers every interlocutor; this is one interlocutor's.

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          theorem Hofmann2025.veridicalIndiv_of_accessible {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} {φ φ_DC : ICDRT.PVar} {v : ICDRT.IVar} {j : ICDRT.State W E} (hdec : j ∈ ICDRT.incl φ_DC φ) (h : Accessible φ v φ_DC j) :
          VeridicalIndiv φ_DC v j

          In a veridical anaphor context, one the speaker's commitments entail, only a veridical dref is accessible.

          theorem Hofmann2025.counterfactual_blocks_veridical {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (i j : ICDRT.State W E) (φ_DC φ_anaphor φ_neg : ICDRT.PVar) (h_extends_DC : j.prop φ_DC = i.prop φ_DC) (h_extends_neg : j.prop φ_neg = i.prop φ_neg) (h_disjoint : CounterfactualProp φ_DC φ_neg i) (h_dec : j ∈ ICDRT.incl φ_DC φ_anaphor) (h_subset : j ∈ ICDRT.incl φ_anaphor φ_neg) :
          ¬(j.prop φ_DC).Nonempty

          A counterfactual antecedent admits no veridical anaphor (§3.4.2, (26)). An extension that keeps the commitment set and the antecedent's context, entails the anaphor's context in the commitments, and meets the subset requirement (39) empties the commitment set.

          The fragment of Appendix C #

          Each operator is a DRS [δ | C] = box {δ} C (App. B (12)) followed by maximization max_φ (App. B (10b)), CDRT's maxAt at a propositional dref.

          @[reducible, inline]
          abbrev Hofmann2025.SemE (W : Type u_3) (E : Type u_4) :
          Type (max u_4 u_3)

          A predicate, of type e(wt), takes an individual dref and a local context to an update.

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            @[reducible, inline]
            abbrev Hofmann2025.SemW (W : Type u_3) (E : Type u_4) :
            Type (max u_4 u_3)

            A clause, of type wt, takes a local context to an update.

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              def Hofmann2025.vacuousScope {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} :
              SemE W E

              The vacuous scope of an existential is the identity update.

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                def Hofmann2025.commonNoun {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (R : E → W → Prop) :
                SemE W E

                A common noun is a test that its argument satisfies it in the local context (App. C (15)).

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                  @[reducible, inline]
                  abbrev Hofmann2025.intransVP {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (R : E → W → Prop) :
                  SemE W E

                  An intransitive verb phrase, of the same shape as a common noun.

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                    def Hofmann2025.indefinite {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (v : ICDRT.IVar) (P P' : SemE W E) (φ : ICDRT.PVar) :

                    The indefinite introduces its dref relative to the local context, then runs its restrictor and its scope (App. C (16)).

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                      def Hofmann2025.pronoun {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (v : ICDRT.IVar) (P : SemE W E) (φ : ICDRT.PVar) :

                      A pronoun passes its index to the predicate (App. C (17)).

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                        def Hofmann2025.properName {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (name : E) (v : ICDRT.IVar) (P : SemE W E) (φ : ICDRT.PVar) :

                        A proper name introduces a dref equal to its constant (App. C (14)).

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                          def Hofmann2025.semNOT {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (φ' : ICDRT.PVar) (Sc : SemW W E) (φ : ICDRT.PVar) :

                          Negation introduces the complement of its context as the prejacent's context and maximizes it over the prejacent (App. C (18a)).

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                            def Hofmann2025.semOR {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (φ' φ'' : ICDRT.PVar) (Sc' Sc'' : SemW W E) (φ : ICDRT.PVar) :

                            Disjunction introduces a context for each disjunct, whose union is its own (App. C (18b)).

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                              def Hofmann2025.semIF {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (φ' φ'' : ICDRT.PVar) (Sc' Sc'' : SemW W E) (φ : ICDRT.PVar) :

                              The conditional's context is the union of the antecedent's complement and the consequent's context (App. C (18c)).

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                                def Hofmann2025.semAND {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (φ' φ'' : ICDRT.PVar) (Sc' Sc'' : SemW W E) (φ : ICDRT.PVar) :

                                Conjunction narrows the context through each conjunct in turn (App. C (18d)).

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                                  def Hofmann2025.semBelieved {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (φ' : ICDRT.PVar) (dox : ICDRT.State W E → Set W) (Sc : SemW W E) (_φ : ICDRT.PVar) :

                                  An attitude verb introduces a context the subject's doxastic state dox entails (App. C (18e)).

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                                    def Hofmann2025.semDEC {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (φ_DC φ : ICDRT.PVar) (Sc : SemW W E) :

                                    The declarative introduces the assertion's context, which the speaker's commitments entail (20a), and maximizes it over the clause (App. C (19)).

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                                      Maximization of a dref an update leaves fixed #

                                      theorem Hofmann2025.commonNoun_fixes {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (φ : ICDRT.PVar) (R : E → W → Prop) (v : ICDRT.IVar) (φ' : ICDRT.PVar) :
                                      theorem Hofmann2025.indefinite_fixes {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (φ : ICDRT.PVar) {v : ICDRT.IVar} {P P' : SemE W E} {φ' : ICDRT.PVar} (hP : DynamicSemantics.Update.Fixes φ (P v φ')) (hP' : DynamicSemantics.Update.Fixes φ (P' v φ')) :
                                      theorem Hofmann2025.pronoun_fixes {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (φ : ICDRT.PVar) {v : ICDRT.IVar} {P : SemE W E} {φ' : ICDRT.PVar} (h : DynamicSemantics.Update.Fixes φ (P v φ')) :
                                      theorem Hofmann2025.semNOT_fixes {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (φ : ICDRT.PVar) {φ' : ICDRT.PVar} {Sc : SemW W E} {φ₀ : ICDRT.PVar} (h : φ' ≠ φ) (hSc : DynamicSemantics.Update.Fixes φ (Sc φ')) :

                                      Negation fixes every dref other than the one it introduces that its prejacent fixes.

                                      theorem Hofmann2025.semOR_fixes {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (φ : ICDRT.PVar) {φ' φ'' : ICDRT.PVar} {Sc' Sc'' : SemW W E} {φ₀ : ICDRT.PVar} (h₁ : φ ≠ φ') (h₂ : φ ≠ φ'') (h' : DynamicSemantics.Update.Fixes φ (Sc' φ')) (h'' : DynamicSemantics.Update.Fixes φ (Sc'' φ'')) :
                                      DynamicSemantics.Update.Fixes φ (semOR φ' φ'' Sc' Sc'' φ₀)
                                      theorem Hofmann2025.semDEC_fixes {W : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (φ : ICDRT.PVar) {φ_DC φ' : ICDRT.PVar} {Sc : SemW W E} (h : φ' ≠ φ) (hSc : DynamicSemantics.Update.Fixes φ (Sc φ')) :

                                      The model M₁ (§3.3.2) #

                                      The four worlds have a bathroom that is upstairs, a bathroom that is not, no bathroom and something upstairs, and neither.

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                                        The one entity of the model, the bathroom.

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                                          instance Hofmann2025.instDecidableEqEnt :
                                          DecidableEq Ent
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                                          The individual dref of the bathroom, defined exactly in the bathroom worlds.

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                                            The propositional drefs of the derivations are the assertion's context and the contexts of embedded clauses.

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                                                    The commitment set of the speaker S.

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                                                      The commitment sets of the interlocutors A and B of §4.3.

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                                                          The individual dref of the indefinite.

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                                                            The null assignment (32) has no referents and no information.

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                                                              An initial state (33) of a single speaker whose commitment set is dc.

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                                                                An initial state of the two interlocutors of §4.3.

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                                                                  There is a bathroom (24) is the indefinite with the noun as restrictor and a vacuous scope.

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                                                                    It is upstairs (30) is the pronoun with the verb phrase.

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                                                                      theorem Hofmann2025.thereIsABathroom_output {φ : ICDRT.PVar} {k j : ICDRT.State World Ent} (h : (k, j) ∈ thereIsABathroom φ) :
                                                                      (∀ (w : World), w ∈ j.prop φ ↔ j.indiv υ w ≠ none) ∧ j.prop φ ⊆ {World.w_bu, World.w_b}

                                                                      In the output of an assertion with thereIsABathroom as its clause, the dref is defined in the bathroom worlds of the context, and the context is in the bathroom worlds.

                                                                      theorem Hofmann2025.itIsUpstairs_output {φ : ICDRT.PVar} {k j : ICDRT.State World Ent} (h : (k, j) ∈ itIsUpstairs φ) :
                                                                      k = j ∧ ∀ w ∈ j.prop φ, j.indiv υ w ≠ none ∧ w ∈ {World.w_bu, World.w_u}

                                                                      In the output of an assertion with itIsUpstairs as its clause, the dref is defined and upstairs throughout the context.

                                                                      The veridical discourse (19a) and (30), Figures 5 and 6 #

                                                                      The output of Figure 6.

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                                                                        Figure 6 is an output of the veridical discourse from the initial state whose commitment set it shows.

                                                                        The dref is veridical, entailed in the speaker's commitment set.

                                                                        The veridical anaphor is accessible (Figure 6).

                                                                        theorem Hofmann2025.veridical_maximal (dc : Set World) (h : ICDRT.State World Ent) (hrun : (init dc, h) ∈ veridical) :

                                                                        Under pragmatic maximization (35) the commitment set of Figure 6 is maximal among the outputs of the discourse from any initial state, since every output commits the speaker to the bathroom being upstairs.

                                                                        The negated antecedent (41), Figure 7 #

                                                                        The output of Figure 7, the first row of Table 3.

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                                                                          The dref is counterfactual, undefined throughout the speaker's commitment set.

                                                                          The assertion's context is the complement of the prejacent's.

                                                                          Every output of (41) makes the prejacent counterfactual, since the commitments entail the assertion's context, the complement of the prejacent's.

                                                                          theorem Hofmann2025.counterfactual_veridical_impossible (j : ICDRT.State World Ent) (hDC : j.prop φDC = j₇.prop φDC) (hφ₂ : j.prop φ₂ = j₇.prop φ₂) (hdec : j ∈ ICDRT.incl φDC φ₃) (hsub : j ∈ ICDRT.incl φ₃ φ₂) :
                                                                          ¬(j.prop φDC).Nonempty

                                                                          No consistent extension of Figure 7 admits the veridical anaphor (30), since a context the commitments entail that lies within the prejacent's context empties the commitment set (§3.4.2).

                                                                          The last row of Table 3, with the prejacent's context empty and the dref nowhere defined, is also an output of (41), since the printed maximization does not exclude it.

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                                                                            Maximizing the prejacent's context over the whole assertion selects Figure 7, since every output from the same initial state keeps that context within the bathroom worlds.

                                                                            Double negation (43), Figure 8 #

                                                                            The output of Figure 8.

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                                                                              Double complementation returns the assertion's context to the innermost one.

                                                                              The doubly negated dref is veridical.

                                                                              The veridical anaphor is accessible after double negation (§4.1).

                                                                              The bathroom disjunction (44), Figure 9 #

                                                                              Either there isn't a bathroom, or it's upstairs.

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                                                                                The output of Figure 9.

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                                                                                  The disjunction's context is the union of the disjuncts' contexts.

                                                                                  The dref is counterfactual for the speaker yet accessible in the second disjunct (§4.2), since the disjuncts' contexts need not overlap the commitment set.

                                                                                  Disagreement (47) and (48), Figure 10 #

                                                                                  Speaker A says There isn't a bathroom and speaker B says It is upstairs.

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                                                                                    The output of Figure 10.

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                                                                                      The same dref is veridical for B.

                                                                                      Both interlocutors keep consistent commitments although they contradict each other, and B's anaphor is accessible (§4.3).