Hofmann (2025): Anaphoric Accessibility with Flat Update #
Hofmann accounts for anaphora to negated indefinites in the intensional compositional DRT of
Semantics/Dynamic/ICDRT.lean. An indefinite introduces its discourse referent globally,
relative to the propositional referent of its local context, and a pronoun is acceptable when
its referent exists throughout its own local context under a consistent assignment of speaker
commitments. This file runs the fragment of the paper's Appendix C on its four-world model of
the bathroom discourses.
Main statements #
veridicalIndiv_of_accessible,counterfactual_blocks_veridical: an accessible anaphor in a veridical context has a veridical antecedent, and a counterfactual antecedent admits no veridical anaphor.veridical_run,doubleNeg_run,bathDisj_run,disagree_run: the discourses of Figures 6, 8, 9 and 10 are outputs of the fragment, with their pronouns accessible.negated_run,counterfactual_veridical_impossible: a negated antecedent (Figure 7) makes its referent counterfactual, and no consistent extension admits a veridical continuation.
Implementation notes #
- The operators of the fragment are CDRT's: a DRS
[δ | C]isbox {δ} Candmax_φismaxAtat a propositional dref. - The maximization operators of App. C (18) and (19), and of the displayed updates (41), (43) and
(44), apply to updates that leave the maximized dref unchanged, so under the definition
(40) they are vacuous (
maxAt_eq_of_fixes): the fragment as printed does not exclude the nonmaximal rows of Table 3 (negated_row4). Maximizing the prejacent's context over the whole assertion selects the paper's row (negated_max), and the commitment set of Figure 6 is the pragmatically maximal one of (35) (veridical_maximal). - Commitment sets are introduced at the initial state and never changed by an update, as in (33) and Table 1, so a derivation starts from the initial state whose commitment set its output shows; Figure 6's is narrower than Figure 5's.
- The modal-subordination discourse of §4.4 needs the eight-world model with a doxastic state for Sue and is not run.
TODO #
- The eight-world model of §4.4 and the attitude update (52).
References #
Commitment and veridicality ((16), (36), (37)) #
An individual dref is veridical if it is entailed in the commitment set (36a), and hypothetical when it is not veridical (16b).
Equations
- Hofmann2025.VeridicalIndiv φ_DC v i = (i ∈ ICDRT.localEntailment φ_DC v)
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An individual dref is counterfactual if it has no referent throughout the commitment set (37a).
Equations
- Hofmann2025.CounterfactualIndiv φ_DC v i = ∀ w ∈ i.prop φ_DC, i.indiv v w = none
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A propositional dref is counterfactual if it is disjoint from the commitment set (37b).
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- Hofmann2025.CounterfactualProp φ_DC δ i = (i.prop φ_DC ∩ i.prop δ = ∅)
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Under consistent commitments a counterfactual dref is not veridical, so it is hypothetical, "more specifically, counterfactual" (16).
Negation under assertion makes its prejacent counterfactual, since the commitments entail the negation's context (the condition of assertion, (20a)), the complement of the prejacent's.
Accessibility (38) and the subset requirement (39) #
A dref υ is accessible (38) if it is entailed in the anaphor's local context φ and the
commitment set is consistent. The paper's consistency (31) covers every interlocutor; this is
one interlocutor's.
Equations
- Hofmann2025.Accessible φ v φ_DC i = (i ∈ ICDRT.localEntailment φ v ∧ (i.prop φ_DC).Nonempty)
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In a veridical anaphor context, one the speaker's commitments entail, only a veridical dref is accessible.
A counterfactual antecedent admits no veridical anaphor (§3.4.2, (26)). An extension that keeps the commitment set and the antecedent's context, entails the anaphor's context in the commitments, and meets the subset requirement (39) empties the commitment set.
The fragment of Appendix C #
Each operator is a DRS [δ | C] = box {δ} C (App. B (12)) followed by maximization
max_φ (App. B (10b)), CDRT's maxAt at a propositional dref.
A predicate, of type e(wt), takes an individual dref and a local context to an update.
Equations
- Hofmann2025.SemE W E = (ICDRT.IVar → ICDRT.PVar → DynamicSemantics.Update (ICDRT.State W E))
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A clause, of type wt, takes a local context to an update.
Equations
- Hofmann2025.SemW W E = (ICDRT.PVar → DynamicSemantics.Update (ICDRT.State W E))
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The vacuous scope of an existential is the identity update.
Equations
- Hofmann2025.vacuousScope x✝¹ x✝ = SetRel.id
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A common noun is a test that its argument satisfies it in the local context (App. C (15)).
Equations
- Hofmann2025.commonNoun R v φ = DynamicSemantics.Update.test (ICDRT.pred R φ v)
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An intransitive verb phrase, of the same shape as a common noun.
Equations
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The indefinite introduces its dref relative to the local context, then runs its restrictor and its scope (App. C (16)).
Equations
- Hofmann2025.indefinite v P P' φ = (SetRel.comp (ICDRT.relUpdate φ v) (P v φ)).comp (P' v φ)
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A pronoun passes its index to the predicate (App. C (17)).
Equations
- Hofmann2025.pronoun v P φ = P v φ
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A proper name introduces a dref equal to its constant (App. C (14)).
Equations
- Hofmann2025.properName name v P φ = SetRel.comp (DynamicSemantics.Update.box {v} {j : ICDRT.State W E | ∀ (w : W), j.indiv v w = some name}) (P v φ)
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Negation introduces the complement of its context as the prejacent's context and maximizes it over the prejacent (App. C (18a)).
Equations
- Hofmann2025.semNOT φ' Sc φ = SetRel.comp (DynamicSemantics.Update.box {φ'} (ICDRT.eqCompl φ φ')) (DynamicSemantics.Update.maxAt φ' (Sc φ'))
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Disjunction introduces a context for each disjunct, whose union is its own (App. C (18b)).
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The conditional's context is the union of the antecedent's complement and the consequent's context (App. C (18c)).
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Conjunction narrows the context through each conjunct in turn (App. C (18d)).
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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An attitude verb introduces a context the subject's doxastic state dox entails
(App. C (18e)).
Equations
- Hofmann2025.semBelieved φ' dox Sc _φ = SetRel.comp (DynamicSemantics.Update.box {φ'} {j : ICDRT.State W E | dox j ⊆ j.prop φ'}) (DynamicSemantics.Update.maxAt φ' (Sc φ'))
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The declarative introduces the assertion's context, which the speaker's commitments entail (20a), and maximizes it over the clause (App. C (19)).
Equations
- Hofmann2025.semDEC φ_DC φ Sc = SetRel.comp (DynamicSemantics.Update.box {φ} (ICDRT.incl φ_DC φ)) (DynamicSemantics.Update.maxAt φ (Sc φ))
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Maximization of a dref an update leaves fixed #
Negation fixes every dref other than the one it introduces that its prejacent fixes.
The model M₁ (§3.3.2) #
Equations
- Hofmann2025.instDecidableEqWorld x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Hofmann2025.instDecidableEqEnt x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
The individual dref of the bathroom, defined exactly in the bathroom worlds.
Equations
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The propositional drefs of the derivations are the assertion's context and the contexts of embedded clauses.
Equations
- Hofmann2025.φ₁ = { idx := 1 }
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The commitment sets of the interlocutors A and B of §4.3.
Equations
- Hofmann2025.φDCA = { idx := 11 }
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The null assignment (32) has no referents and no information.
Equations
- Hofmann2025.null = { indiv := fun (x : ICDRT.IVar) (x_1 : Hofmann2025.World) => none, prop := fun (x : ICDRT.PVar) => Set.univ }
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An initial state (33) of a single speaker whose commitment set is dc.
Equations
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An initial state of the two interlocutors of §4.3.
Equations
- Hofmann2025.init₂ dcA dcB = (Hofmann2025.null.updateProp Hofmann2025.φDCA dcA).updateProp Hofmann2025.φDCB dcB
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There is a bathroom (24) is the indefinite with the noun as restrictor and a vacuous scope.
Equations
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It is upstairs (30) is the pronoun with the verb phrase.
Equations
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In the output of an assertion with thereIsABathroom as its clause, the dref is defined in
the bathroom worlds of the context, and the context is in the bathroom worlds.
In the output of an assertion with itIsUpstairs as its clause, the dref is defined and
upstairs throughout the context.
The veridical discourse (19a) and (30), Figures 5 and 6 #
There is a bathroom. It is upstairs.
Equations
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The output of Figure 6.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Figure 6 is an output of the veridical discourse from the initial state whose commitment set it shows.
The dref is veridical, entailed in the speaker's commitment set.
The veridical anaphor is accessible (Figure 6).
Under pragmatic maximization (35) the commitment set of Figure 6 is maximal among the outputs of the discourse from any initial state, since every output commits the speaker to the bathroom being upstairs.
The negated antecedent (41), Figure 7 #
There isn't a bathroom.
Equations
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The output of Figure 7, the first row of Table 3.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The dref is counterfactual, undefined throughout the speaker's commitment set.
The assertion's context is the complement of the prejacent's.
Every output of (41) makes the prejacent counterfactual, since the commitments entail the assertion's context, the complement of the prejacent's.
No consistent extension of Figure 7 admits the veridical anaphor (30), since a context the commitments entail that lies within the prejacent's context empties the commitment set (§3.4.2).
The last row of Table 3, with the prejacent's context empty and the dref nowhere defined, is also an output of (41), since the printed maximization does not exclude it.
Equations
- Hofmann2025.jRow4 = ((Hofmann2025.init Set.univ).updateProp Hofmann2025.φ₁ Set.univ).updateProp Hofmann2025.φ₂ ∅
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Maximizing the prejacent's context over the whole assertion selects Figure 7, since every output from the same initial state keeps that context within the bathroom worlds.
Double negation (43), Figure 8 #
It's not the case that there isn't a bathroom.
Equations
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The output of Figure 8.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The doubly negated dref is veridical.
The veridical anaphor is accessible after double negation (§4.1).
The bathroom disjunction (44), Figure 9 #
Either there isn't a bathroom, or it's upstairs.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The output of Figure 9.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The dref is counterfactual for the speaker yet accessible in the second disjunct (§4.2), since the disjuncts' contexts need not overlap the commitment set.
Disagreement (47) and (48), Figure 10 #
Speaker A says There isn't a bathroom and speaker B says It is upstairs.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The output of Figure 10.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The dref is counterfactual for A.
The same dref is veridical for B.
Both interlocutors keep consistent commitments although they contradict each other, and
B's anaphor is accessible (§4.3).