Keshet and Abney (2024): Intensional Anaphora #
This file formalizes the account of anaphora under modals of [KA24]: a pronoun
presupposes that its antecedent description has a non-empty extension ((9)), and in the paper's
logic PIP (Logic/PIP/Syntax.lean) the antecedent description of a summation pronoun is a formula
label, so Andrea might be eating a cheeseburger. #It is large. ((79)) is
might_w(ΣwE) ∧ E ≡ … ∧ large_w(ΣbE | single(ΣbE)): the world variable of E is bound by the
summation inside might at its first use and by the discourse at the pronoun, so the pronoun's
description is evaluated at the discourse world and felicity ((83)) demands single(ΣbE) in
every world where Andrea might be eating one, including those where she is not
(felicitous_discourseMight_iff, not_felicitous_burger). With must ((88)–(90)) the realistic
modal base guarantees the description at the world of evaluation and the pronoun is fine
(felicitous_discourseMust_of_realistic), whereas a value-based presupposition of existence
would wrongly license she for the mayoral candidates of (85), who all exist. The unembedded
discourse (74) is felicitous ((78), felicitous_plain), and the bathroom disjunction (95) exactly
when a bathroom, if there is one, is unique ((97), felicitous_bathroom_iff).
Implementation notes #
The paper's felicity conditions (78), (83), (87), (90) and (97) quantify over worlds; the
statements here take a world of evaluation w₀ and an assignment sending w to it, at the level
of a Scenario (accessibility, antecedent description, continuation) and its PIP model
Scenario.model. The modals are Modal.apply ((35)), the summation pronoun Term.sgPronoun
((71)), and the discourses discourseMight ((80b) with (82b)), discourseMust ((89)), plain
((75) with (76)) and bathroom ((95)), each expanded from its label by Formula.expandSelf.
References #
Equations
- KeshetAbney2024.instDecidableEqVar x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- KeshetAbney2024.instDecidableEqLab x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Terms of the discourses.
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Formulas of the discourses.
Equations
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Scenarios #
The discourses #
E ≡ desc_w([b]) ∧ single(b): the antecedent description of (80b),
with a bracketed local variable for the indefinite.
Equations
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Σu acc(w, u): the modal base β_w.
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The one-place modals (35): might_w(Σwφ) = some(β_w, Σwφ) and
must_w(Σwφ) = every(β_w, Σwφ).
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A modal applied to its base and its prejacent.
Equations
- KeshetAbney2024.Modal.might.apply x✝¹ x✝ = PIP.Formula.some_ x✝¹ x✝
- KeshetAbney2024.Modal.must.apply x✝¹ x✝ = PIP.Expr.subset x✝¹ x✝
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cont_w(Σbφ | single(Σbφ)): the continuation (82b), with the summation pronoun
Term.sgPronoun (71).
Equations
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(80b) ∧ (82b): "Andrea might be eating a cheeseburger. It is large."
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(89): "There must be some sort of animal in the shed. It's making quite a racket!"
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(75) ∧ (76): "Andrea is eating a cheeseburger. It is large.", with the
simple pronoun b | single(b).
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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(95): "Either there's no bathroom in this house or it's in a funny place.",
(¬∃bX ∨ cont_w(ΣbX | single(ΣbX))) ∧ X ≡ desc_w([b]) ∧ single(b).
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Label expansion #
Values and felicity at a world of evaluation #
ΣbE at w₀: the satisfiers of the description there.
ΣwE: the worlds with a satisfier of the description.
might_w(ΣwE) at w₀: some accessible world has a satisfier.
must_w(ΣwE) at w₀: every accessible world has a satisfier.
A modal discourse is felicitous at w₀ iff the modal claim there implies
a unique satisfier of the antecedent description at w₀.
(83): with might, the discourse is felicitous at w₀ iff, whenever a
world with a satisfier is accessible from w₀, w₀ itself has a unique
satisfier.
(90): with must, the discourse is felicitous at w₀ iff, whenever every
world accessible from w₀ has a satisfier, w₀ has a unique one.
(88)–(90): a realistic modal base and the scalar implicature that a
satisfier is unique make the must discourse felicitous at every world.
(78): the unembedded discourse (74) is felicitous under every assignment,
the assertion single(b) satisfying the pronoun's presupposition.
(97): the bathroom disjunction is felicitous at w₀ iff a bathroom there,
if any, is unique.
Possible burgers #
(79): at false Andrea is fasting and at true she is eating a
cheeseburger, and for all anyone knows at either world, either is actual.
Equations
- KeshetAbney2024.burger = { acc := fun (x x_1 : Bool) => True, desc := fun (w : Bool) (x : Unit) => w = true, cont := fun (x : Bool) (x_1 : Unit) => True }
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(79) is infelicitous at the world where Andrea is fasting but might be
eating a cheeseburger: ΣbE is empty there.