Kennedy (1999): Projecting the Adjective #
Kennedy argues that gradable adjectives denote measure functions from objects to extents on a scale. The positive extent of an object, (30), runs from the bottom of the scale up to its measure, and the negative extent, (31), from its measure to the top, so the antonymy biconditional (54) follows from the complementarity of the two. Positive and negative extents are disjoint sorts, so a comparison between them is undefined, which explains cross-polar anomaly alongside incommensurability (section 3.1.7).
Main results #
Kennedy1999.antonymy_biconditional: (54), a is taller than b iff b is shorter than a, on the extents of (30) and (31).Kennedy1999.comparison_defined_iff: a subdeletion comparative is acceptable exactly when the compared extents are of one sort on a shared scale, against the rows of sections 3.1.3–3.1.7.Kennedy1999.measurePhrase_positive_iff: an absolute measure phrase composes exactly with a positive adjective, sections 3.1.8–3.1.9.
Implementation notes #
Extents are the rays Set.Iic (μ a) and Set.Ici (μ a), closed at the measure as in (30) and
(31). The embedding of measure functions into Klein's degree-free semantics is
Degree.Delineation.ofMeasure, whose ordering is degree comparison
(Degree.Delineation.outranks_ofMeasure_iff).
References #
The algebra of extents (section 3.1.5) #
The positive extent of a, (30), properly contains that of b exactly when the negative extent
of b, (31), properly contains that of a, the antonymy biconditional (54).
Cross-polar anomaly (Sections 3.1.3–3.1.7) #
The two compared adjectives have the same scale polarity.
Equations
- Kennedy1999.samePolarity e = (e.feature? "matrix_polarity" = e.feature? "standard_polarity")
Instances For
The subdeletion comparatives are the cross-polar anomalies, the same-polarity controls, the ficus quadruple, and the incommensurability cases.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
A subdeletion comparative is acceptable exactly when the compared extents are of the same sort on a shared scale, which covers cross-polar anomaly and incommensurability at once.
Measure phrases (Sections 3.1.8–3.1.9) #
Measure phrases denote bounded extents. On a scale with a minimum the positive extents are bounded and the negative ones are not, so an absolute construction composing a measure phrase with a negative adjective is undefined, (69) My Cadillac is 8 feet long against (70) My Fiat is 5 feet short; the phrasal comparative (73) My Fiat is shorter than 8 feet is the contrast, its standard derived by applying the adjective to the measure phrase.
The absolute measure-phrase constructions.
Equations
Instances For
An absolute measure-phrase construction is acceptable exactly with a positive adjective, whose extents are bounded.