Kay and Fillmore (1999): The What's X Doing Y? Construction #
This file formalizes the construction of [KF99], What's X doing Y?, whose
interrogative form conventionally conveys that someone judges the scene Y(X) incongruous
(their gloss (39)), a meaning the paper argues is neither a conversational implicature of an
innocent question (Section 2.2) nor a proposition that negation could apply to
(Section 4.6). The construction is wxdyConstruction, the flat rendering of the paper's
Figure 12: BE and doing are fixed heads, what is a fixed and left-isolated object that binds
the reference of nothing, doing and Y share the scene judged incongruous, and doing may
not be negated, a stipulation the paper reports being unable to deduce. X is not unified with
Y: coinstantiation, twice, unifies it with the subject requirements of doing and of Y, so
that it becomes the subject argument of the predication Y(X) (wxdy_coinstantiation).
The grammatical evidence for the construction in Section 2.3 is derived by the licensing
recognizer over the paper's minimal pairs: the canonical (3a) and the stative (14a) are
licensed, while the bare-stem do of (12a), doing as complement of keep in (13a),
what else in (15f), and the negated doing of (17b) are not, negation inside Y in (17c)
being fine. The coinstantiation construction of Figure 13 is recorded as a fully abstract form
with one unification index.
Implementation notes #
The paper's semantics, the incongruity-judgment frame of Figure 12 with a contextually anchored judge, is not represented beyond the construction's pragmatic point; its inheritance from the left-isolation, subject–auxiliary inversion and wh-interrogative constructions of the paper's unification grammar is recorded in prose only.
References #
The construction (Figure 12) #
The WXDY construction, the flat rendering of Figure 12. BE governs the complement doing,
which cannot be negated (Section 4.6) and governs the object WXDY-what, left-isolated and not
an operator binding the reference of anything, and the complement Y, a predicate phrase of any
category. The semantics of doing and of Y bear #1, the scene judged incongruous, and the
subject requirement of Y bears #2, the argument of its frame. X, the subject of BE, bears
#2 because coinstantiation unifies it with the subject requirements of doing and of Y
(Section 4.2, Figure 13).
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The form carries the two indices of Figure 12, #1 and #2.
"When thus unified with the subject requirement of the Y complement, the semantics of the X
constituent becomes the logical subject argument of the predication, Y(X)" (Section 4.2): X,
the first slot, bears the index of the subject requirement of Y, the last, and not the index
of Y itself.
WXDY is a formal idiom: the X and Y slots are open.
It is properly partial: BE, doing and what are fixed while X and Y are open.
The grammatical evidence (Section 2.3) #
The paper's minimal pairs, matched against the form: each is a sequence of daughter trees in the
slot order X, BE, doing, what, Y, with lemma-level words tagged for part of speech.
not, a particle of negative polarity.
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(3a) What's this scratch doing on the table?
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(14a) What's he doing knowing the answer?, a stative complement.
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(12a) What does this scratch do on the table?, with bare-stem do.
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(13a) What did he keep doing in the tool shed?, doing as complement of keep rather than of copular BE: a fine sentence, but not an instance of the construction.
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(15f) What else are you doing eating cold pizza?, with else on WXDY-what.
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(17b) What are my brushes not doing soaking in water?, with negated doing.
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(17c) What are my brushes doing not soaking in water?, negation inside Y.
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The construction licenses the canonical (3a) and the stative (14a): WXDY does not encode progressive aspect.
The present participle is frozen: bare-stem do is rejected, (12a).
doing must complement copular BE: keep doing is no instance, (13a).
WXDY-what does not accept else, (15f): the slot is lexically fixed.
Negation of doing is rejected, (17b), while negation inside Y is licensed, (17c).
Coinstantiation (Figure 13, Section 4.2) #
The coinstantiation construction, which unifies the intrinsic value of an unfulfilled valence requirement of a predicator with the subject requirement of its controlled complement, covering raising and control alike; it figures twice in every WXDY clause. The flat rendering gives the predicator's subject the index of its complement's subject requirement.
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Coinstantiation is fully abstract: every slot is open.
It carries one index, shared by the predicator's subject and its complement's subject requirement.