Documentation

Studies.KaoWuEtAl2014

Kao, Wu, Bergen and Goodman (2014): Nonliteral Understanding of Number Words #

Kao, Wu, Bergen and Goodman model hyperbole on the RSA kernel pipeline. A meaning pairs a price state with the speaker's affect; the literal listener conditions the prior on the price named, a speaker with a communicative goal is informative about the goal's projection of the meaning and pays a higher cost for sharp numbers, and the pragmatic listener marginalizes the goal.

Main results #

Implementation notes #

Priors are arguments: the price prior and the conditional affect prior of Experiments 3a and 3b enter as one probability measure on meanings, and the goal prior as a probability measure on goals, uniform in the paper. The model's numerical fits (Figs. 2 to 5) rest on the raw priors published as data rather than in the paper, and are not stated. The goals are the paper's, a precision projection composed with a relevance projection, the two affect-only goals coinciding (project_affect).

References #

The precision of a goal is exact, the paper's f_e, or approximate, f_a, which rounds the price to the nearest multiple of ten.

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      The price states of Materials and Methods are five round prices and their sharp neighbours.

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        def KaoWuEtAl2014.instReprPrice.repr :
        Price → ℕ → Std.Format
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          A round price is divisible by ten.

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            round is the substrate rounding to the nearest multiple of ten.

            The precision projection f of a goal keeps the price exact or rounds it.

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              A meaning pairs the price state with whether the speaker has an affect about it, the paper's M = S × A with A = {0, 1}.

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                The relevance projection r of a goal keeps the price, the affect, or both.

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                    A goal composes a precision projection with a relevance projection, g(s, a) = r(f(s), a).

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                      def KaoWuEtAl2014.project (g : Goal) (m : Meaning) :
                      Option Price × Option Bool

                      The projection of a goal keeps the price component, exact or rounded, and the affect component, each when it is relevant.

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                        The two affect-only goals coincide, as the paper notes.

                        An utterance is true of a meaning when the price it names is the price state.

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                          theorem KaoWuEtAl2014.mem_sem {u : Price} {m : Meaning} :
                          m ∈ sem u ↔ m.1 = u
                          noncomputable def KaoWuEtAl2014.L0 (μ : MeasureTheory.Measure Meaning) :
                          ProbabilityTheory.Kernel Price Meaning

                          The literal listener conditions the prior on the price named, eq. 9.

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                            instance KaoWuEtAl2014.instIsFiniteKernelPriceMeaningL0 (μ : MeasureTheory.Measure Meaning) :
                            ProbabilityTheory.IsFiniteKernel (L0 μ)
                            def KaoWuEtAl2014.cost (c : ℝ) (u : Price) :
                            ℝ

                            The cost C(u) of eq. 7 is one at a round price and the fitted parameter c at a sharp one.

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                              noncomputable def KaoWuEtAl2014.S1 (μ : MeasureTheory.Measure Meaning) (c : ℝ) (p : Meaning × Goal) :
                              MeasureTheory.Measure Price

                              The goal-indexed speaker, eqs. 5 to 8, knows the answer to her goal and is informative about the literal listener's distribution over the topical subspace (eq. 6), at unit rationality, less the cost.

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                                instance KaoWuEtAl2014.instIsFiniteMeasurePriceS1 (μ : MeasureTheory.Measure Meaning) (c : ℝ) (p : Meaning × Goal) :
                                MeasureTheory.IsFiniteMeasure (S1 μ c p)
                                noncomputable def KaoWuEtAl2014.L1 (μ : MeasureTheory.Measure Meaning) [MeasureTheory.IsProbabilityMeasure μ] (ν : MeasureTheory.Measure Goal) [MeasureTheory.IsProbabilityMeasure ν] (c : ℝ) :
                                ProbabilityTheory.Kernel Price (Meaning × Goal)

                                The pragmatic listener over meaning and goal, eq. 10, inverts the speaker against the product of the meaning prior and the goal prior; its first marginal is the meaning listener.

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                                  theorem KaoWuEtAl2014.listener_ne_zero_iff (μ : MeasureTheory.Measure Meaning) [MeasureTheory.IsProbabilityMeasure μ] (ν : MeasureTheory.Measure Goal) [MeasureTheory.IsProbabilityMeasure ν] (c : ℝ) (u : Price) (m : Meaning) :
                                  ((L1 μ ν c) u).fst {m} ≠ 0 ↔ μ {m} ≠ 0 ∧ ∃ (g : Goal), ν {g} ≠ 0 ∧ ∃ (m' : Meaning), project g m' = project g m ∧ m'.1 = u ∧ μ {m'} ≠ 0

                                  A meaning is in the support of the meaning listener at an utterance exactly when it has positive prior and, under some goal of positive prior, shares its answer with a meaning of positive prior at which the utterance is literally true.

                                  theorem KaoWuEtAl2014.hyperbole (μ : MeasureTheory.Measure Meaning) [MeasureTheory.IsProbabilityMeasure μ] (ν : MeasureTheory.Measure Goal) [MeasureTheory.IsProbabilityMeasure ν] (c : ℝ) (hν : ν {(Precision.exact, Relevance.affect)} ≠ 0) (h50 : μ {(Price.p50, true)} ≠ 0) (h10k : μ {(Price.p10000, true)} ≠ 0) :
                                  ((L1 μ ν c) Price.p10000).fst {(Price.p50, true)} ≠ 0

                                  A low price with affect is a possible meaning of a high price under the affect goal whenever the prior gives mass to both meanings with affect, which is hyperbole.

                                  theorem KaoWuEtAl2014.literal_of_price_goals (μ : MeasureTheory.Measure Meaning) [MeasureTheory.IsProbabilityMeasure μ] (ν : MeasureTheory.Measure Goal) [MeasureTheory.IsProbabilityMeasure ν] (c : ℝ) (hν : ∀ (g : Goal), ν {g} ≠ 0 → g = (Precision.exact, Relevance.price)) {u : Price} {m : Meaning} (h : ((L1 μ ν c) u).fst {m} ≠ 0) :
                                  m.1 = u

                                  A listener entertaining only the exact price goal, the first comparison model of Fig. 2B, interprets every utterance literally.

                                  theorem KaoWuEtAl2014.halo_of_price_goals (μ : MeasureTheory.Measure Meaning) [MeasureTheory.IsProbabilityMeasure μ] (ν : MeasureTheory.Measure Goal) [MeasureTheory.IsProbabilityMeasure ν] (c : ℝ) (hν : ∀ (g : Goal), ν {g} ≠ 0 → g.2 = Relevance.price) {u : Price} {m : Meaning} (h : ((L1 μ ν c) u).fst {m} ≠ 0) :
                                  m.1.round = u.round

                                  A listener entertaining the price goals, exact or approximate, the second comparison model of Fig. 2B, reaches only the prices rounding to the utterance.

                                  theorem KaoWuEtAl2014.map_L0_approximate (μ : MeasureTheory.Measure Meaning) [MeasureTheory.IsProbabilityMeasure μ] {u p : Price} (hμ : μ (sem u) ≠ 0) (hp : u.round = p.round) (a : Bool) :

                                  At an approximate price goal, the literal listener who hears a price of positive prior is certain of the answer at every meaning of the same round price.

                                  theorem KaoWuEtAl2014.approximate_prefers_round (μ : MeasureTheory.Measure Meaning) [MeasureTheory.IsProbabilityMeasure μ] (c : ℝ) {p : Price} (hp : ¬p.IsRound) (h₁ : μ (sem p) ≠ 0) (h₂ : μ (sem p.round) ≠ 0) (a : Bool) :
                                  (S1 μ c ((p, a), Precision.approximate, Relevance.price)).real {p} < (S1 μ c ((p, a), Precision.approximate, Relevance.price)).real {p.round} ↔ 1 < c

                                  At an approximate price goal a sharp price projects with its round neighbour, so the speaker prefers the round utterance exactly when sharp numbers cost more, the cost mechanism of the halo effect (Fig. 3B).