Kampanarou and Alexiadou (2026): Genitive Alternation in Possessives and Beyond #
This file formalizes [KA26], on the Standard Modern Greek alternation between an inflectional genitive and a prepositional apo-phrase, with adnominal possessors and with the arguments of derived nominals. The paper argues that the alternation is structural rather than morphological: the apo-PP is not an alternative spell-out of the genitive but a complement with a partitive semantics, through which a possessive reading is coerced.
The possessive data of Sections 2, 3 and 5 are rows carrying the paper's classification of the
relation and of the possessor nominal (Possessor). Part-whole and source relations alternate
with a common-noun possessor, pronouns and proper names never do, and acceptability is monotone in
the facilitation order on possessors, which adds plural marking, modification, or a paradigm gap
of the genitive (facilitation_mono); a gap is neither sufficient nor necessary for the
alternation.
For derived nominals (Sections 2 and 6), the complex-event reading of [Gri90] survives
only under a genitive theme, an apo agent is a by-phrase only under that reading, and the
nominal otherwise admits at most one argument (Nominal.WellFormed): the single argument
restriction of Section 8, extending the single genitive restriction of [HS87] to
PPs. Grevena Greek, which has lost the inflectional genitive
([MCS24]), stacks two apo-PPs. The scope data of
Section 7 follow from the merge site of the possessor (Site): the genitive of an inalienable
possessor and every apo-PP are complements ([Ale03]), and only a complement possessor
admits surface scope (scope_rows_agree).
Implementation notes #
The paper's markers are read on the Judgment scale, ? as marginal, ?? and ??? as
questionable, # as unacceptable and * as ungrammatical; a row is Acceptable from
marginal up, since ? marks speaker variation. The three syntactic analyses of Section 7
(selection by the possessee, a predicative small clause, a light p) share the consequence
formalized here, that the apo-PP is a complement, and are not distinguished. The recursive
possessives (25) to (27) record, as the paper does, that only the innermost possessor alternates;
its footnote 14 offers no account.
References #
Acceptable from marginal, the paper's ?, up.
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- KampanarouAlexiadou2026.instDecidablePredJudgmentAcceptable x✝ = { decide := (↑Judgment.marginal.rank).ble ↑x✝.rank, reflects_decide := ⋯ }
Possessive apo-PPs (Sections 2, 3 and 5) #
The paper's classification of the relation between possessee and possessor: part-whole (5a), source (5b), kinship (6a), ownership (6b), and the mere association of a mat with its door (11).
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- KampanarouAlexiadou2026.instDecidableEqRelation x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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The relations the paper reads as partitive: the possessee is a part of, or comes from, the possessor.
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- KampanarouAlexiadou2026.instDecidableEqForm x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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The possessor nominal: its form, animacy, plural marking and modification, and whether its genitive is a paradigm gap (Section 3).
- form : Form
- animate : Bool
- plural : Bool
- modified : Bool
- gap : Bool
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The facilitation order: p ≤ q when q is the same kind of nominal as p with plural
marking, modification, or a paradigm gap only added, each of which the paper reports to raise the
acceptability of the apo-PP.
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- KampanarouAlexiadou2026.formOf = [("common", KampanarouAlexiadou2026.Form.common), ("pronoun", KampanarouAlexiadou2026.Form.pronoun), ("properName", KampanarouAlexiadou2026.Form.properName)]
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A row of the possessive group, from the paper's features.
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The possessive data of Sections 2, 3 and 5.
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Part-whole and source relations alternate whenever the possessor is a common noun, (5), (14).
Pronouns and proper names resist the apo-PP whatever the relation, (9), (10).
Kinship, ownership and mere association resist the apo-PP unless the possessor is plural or modified, (6), (11a), (15).
Acceptability is monotone in the facilitation order: plural marking (11), modification (fn. 5, (28)) and a paradigm gap (14) only raise the judgment.
A paradigm gap is not sufficient for the alternation, (15).
Nor is it necessary, (5).
Recursive possessives (Section 5) #
The realization of a possessor or of an argument.
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- KampanarouAlexiadou2026.instDecidableEqMarking x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- KampanarouAlexiadou2026.markingOf = [("genitive", KampanarouAlexiadou2026.Marking.genitive), ("apo", KampanarouAlexiadou2026.Marking.apo)]
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A row of the stacking group.
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The recursive possessives of Section 5.
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Only the innermost possessor alternates: the phrase is acceptable exactly when the outer possessor keeps its genitive.
Derived nominals (Sections 2 and 6) and the single argument restriction (Section 8) #
A derived nominal with its theme and its agent, each genitive, apo-PP, or absent, and whether an aspectual modifier (for x time) is present.
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The complex-event reading of [Gri90], with verbal argument structure, is available only under a genitive theme; an apo theme forces the result reading, diagnosed by the aspectual modifier (34), (35) and by pluralization (36).
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- n.IsComplexEvent = (n.theme = some KampanarouAlexiadou2026.Marking.genitive)
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An apo agent is a by-phrase, adjoined to the verbal structure, only under the complex-event reading, (30).
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- n.IsByPhrase = (n.agent = some KampanarouAlexiadou2026.Marking.apo ∧ n.IsComplexEvent)
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- x✝.instDecidablePredIsByPhrase = { decide := decide (x✝.agent = some KampanarouAlexiadou2026.Marking.apo) && decide x✝.IsComplexEvent, reflects_decide := ⋯ }
The DP-internal arguments: the theme, and the agent unless it is a by-phrase.
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- n.arguments = n.theme.toList ++ if n.IsByPhrase then [] else n.agent.toList
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The single argument restriction: at most one argument inside the DP.
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- n.SingleArgument = (n.arguments.length ≤ 1)
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- x✝.instDecidablePredSingleArgument = { decide := x✝.arguments.length.ble 1, reflects_decide := ⋯ }
A single argument, and an aspectual modifier only under the complex-event reading.
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- n.WellFormed = (n.SingleArgument ∧ (n.aspectual = true → n.IsComplexEvent))
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- x✝.instDecidablePredWellFormed = { decide := decide x✝.SingleArgument && decide (x✝.aspectual = true → x✝.IsComplexEvent), reflects_decide := ⋯ }
An apo theme forces the result reading.
Two apo-PPs never satisfy the restriction: the theme forces the result reading, so the agent is a second argument rather than a by-phrase, (8d).
Standard Modern Greek, or Grevena Greek with no inflectional genitive.
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- KampanarouAlexiadou2026.instDecidableEqVariety x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- KampanarouAlexiadou2026.varietyOf = [("smg", KampanarouAlexiadou2026.Variety.smg), ("grevena", KampanarouAlexiadou2026.Variety.grevena)]
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A row of the derived group.
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The derived nominals of Sections 2, 4 and 6.
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The Standard Modern Greek rows are acceptable exactly when well-formed: (7), (8), (30) and (33) to (36).
Grevena Greek stacks two apo-PPs on one nominal, (12).
Scope and the merge site of the possessor (Section 7) #
The merge site of a possessor: the complement of the possessee, or external to it.
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- KampanarouAlexiadou2026.instDecidableEqSite x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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[Ale03]: a genitive inalienable possessor is a complement, an alienable one is external.
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The site of a possessor realized as m: every apo-PP is a complement, the structural claim
shared by the paper's three analyses.
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A scope row, (38) and (39): an indefinite possessee under a universal possessor, and whether the surface-scope reading, one leg for all the tables, is available; the inverse reading always is.
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A row of the scope group.
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The scope data of Section 7.
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Surface scope is available exactly for a complement possessor: the inalienable genitive (38a) and both apo-PPs (39), not the alienable genitive (38b).