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Studies.KampReyle1993

Kamp and Reyle (1993): From Discourse to Logic #

A discourse is interpreted by constructing a discourse representation structure (DRS), and a DRS is verified by an embedding of its referents into a model. The worked examples are evaluated through DRS.trueRel, Muskens's relational truth, which is the existential closure of the book's Def. 1.4.5.

Main statements #

Implementation notes #

The truth conditions are claims over arbitrary models, proved by unfolding the verifying embeddings; sequencing a discourse is DRS.merge, whose dynamics is the Merging Lemma DRS.toRel_merge. Names enter a DRS as the unary conditions the construction algorithm writes for them.

References #

inductive KampReyle1993.KRRel :
ℕ → Type

The relation symbols of the worked examples; names (jones, ulysses, porsche) enter as the unary conditions the construction algorithm writes for them (Jones(x)).

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    def KampReyle1993.krLang :
    FirstOrder.Language

    The first-order language of the examples (no functions).

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      @[reducible, inline]
      abbrev KampReyle1993.rm {M : Type u_1} [krLang.Structure M] {n : ℕ} (R : krLang.Relations n) (x : Fin n → M) :

      RelMap with the language pinned (a relation symbol alone does not determine L). Lets truth-conditions read as rm .farmer ![e].

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        Names and pronouns: "Jones owns Ulysses. It fascinates him." (1.1) #

        The completed §1.1 DRS of (1.1), [u₁ u₂ u₃ u₄ | Jones u₁, Ulysses u₂, u₁ owns u₂, u₃ = u₂, u₄ = u₁, u₃ fascinates u₄]. Each name and pronoun introduces a referent, and the (1.17)-style equations resolve it and him to the first sentence's referents.

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          theorem KampReyle1993.ulysses_tc {M : Type u_1} [krLang.Structure M] (a : ℕ → M) :
          ulyssesDiscourse.trueRel a ↔ ∃ (x : M) (y : M), rm KRRel.jones ![x] ∧ rm KRRel.ulysses ![y] ∧ rm KRRel.owns ![x, y] ∧ rm KRRel.fascinates ![y, x]

          The (1.1) discourse is true iff a single pair verifies both sentences, since the pronouns' referents and equations add no quantificational force and the first sentence's referents persist into the second.

          The completed (1.1) DRS is proper (Def. 1.4.2–1.4.3), every referent its conditions use being introduced by the discourse itself.

          Negation blocks anaphora: "Jones does not own a Porsche." (1.56) #

          The box under ¬ in (1.57) is [u₂ | Porsche u₂, u₁ owns u₂].

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            The DRS (1.57) of (1.56), [u₁ | Jones u₁, ¬[u₂ | Porsche u₂, u₁ owns u₂]], introduces the indefinite's referent inside the negation.

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              theorem KampReyle1993.porsche_tc {M : Type u_1} [krLang.Structure M] (a : ℕ → M) :
              porscheDiscourse.trueRel a ↔ ∃ (x : M), rm KRRel.jones ![x] ∧ ¬∃ (y : M), rm KRRel.porsche ![y] ∧ rm KRRel.owns ![x, y]

              (1.57) is true when there is no Porsche that Jones owns, the negated box being verified by the non-existence of a verifying extension.

              From the top-level position, the referent trapped under ¬ is not accessible (Def. 2.1.3) — the reason a continuation "*It fascinates him." cannot resolve it.

              Accessibility looks left and up, so from inside the negation the outer referent is accessible, the asymmetry of Def. 2.1.3.

              theorem KampReyle1993.continuation_improper :
              ¬(porscheDiscourse.merge { referents := ∅, conditions := [DRT.Condition.atom { arity := 2, rel := KRRel.fascinates, args := ![2, 1] }] }).IsProper

              A continuation resolved to the trapped referent anyway is improper (Def. 1.4.2–1.4.3), since merging It fascinates him with it forced to u₂ leaves u₂ free.

              Donkey anaphora: "If a farmer owns a donkey he beats it." (2.47) #

              The antecedent box [u₁ u₂ | farmer u₁, donkey u₂, owns u₁ u₂].

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                The consequent box [ | beats u₁ u₂] (pronouns resolved directly, (2.44)-style).

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                  (2.47) as [ | donkeyAnte ⇒ donkeyCons].

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                    theorem KampReyle1993.donkey_universal_reading {M : Type u_1} [krLang.Structure M] (a : ℕ → M) :
                    donkey.trueRel a ↔ ∀ (e₁ e₂ : M), rm KRRel.farmer ![e₁] ∧ rm KRRel.donkey ![e₂] ∧ rm KRRel.owns ![e₁, e₂] → rm KRRel.beats ![e₁, e₂]

                    The verification clause for ⇒ ((2.31), Def. 2.1.4) makes the antecedent's existentials universal, so every owning farmer–donkey pair satisfies beats. The consequent, with an empty universe, reuses the antecedent's values.

                    The donkey DRS is proper, the antecedent supplying the consequent's referents.

                    The (2.45)-style consequent [u₃ | u₃ = u₂, beats u₁ u₃], in which the pronoun it introduces its own referent, resolved to the donkey by an equation.

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                      (2.47) with the pronoun completed by referent-plus-equation.

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                        theorem KampReyle1993.donkeyPronoun_tc {M : Type u_1} [krLang.Structure M] (a : ℕ → M) :
                        donkeyPronoun.trueRel a ↔ ∀ (e₁ e₂ : M), rm KRRel.farmer ![e₁] ∧ rm KRRel.donkey ![e₂] ∧ rm KRRel.owns ![e₁, e₂] → rm KRRel.beats ![e₁, e₂]

                        The pronoun-completed conditional has the same universal truth conditions, the equation forcing the new referent to the donkey's value.

                        theorem KampReyle1993.donkeyPronoun_agree {M : Type u_1} [krLang.Structure M] (a : ℕ → M) :

                        Completing the pronoun directly or by a referent and an equation gives the donkey conditional the same truth conditions, as the book observes of (2.44) and (2.45).

                        Subordination and accessibility geometry #

                        The antecedent box is directly subordinate to the donkey DRS (Def. 1.4.10 as extended by Def. 2.1.2).

                        The consequent box is likewise directly subordinate to the donkey DRS.

                        The antecedent is accessible to the consequent ([GBM24] §4.2) — the geometry that licenses the donkey anaphora.

                        The consequent is not among the boxes accessible at the antecedent, the ⇒ asymmetry.

                        Model evaluation: the donkey conditional in concrete models #

                        Positive: a two-element domain where farmer 0 owns and beats donkey 1. Negative: a domain where the owning pair goes unbeaten falsifies the conditional.

                        @[instance_reducible]
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                        theorem KampReyle1993.donkey_true_in_model (a : ℕ → Fin 2) :

                        The donkey conditional is true in this model, whose only owning pair (0, 1) is a beating pair.

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                        theorem KampReyle1993.donkey_false_in_model (a : ℕ → Bool) :

                        The donkey conditional is false when the owning pair goes unbeaten, here with farmer false owning donkey true and beats empty.