Harris and Potts (2009): Perspective-shifting with appositives and expressives #
This file formalizes [HP09]'s account of whose commitments an appositive or
expressive expresses. The two-dimensional meaning of [Pot05] is kept, but the
conventional-implicature content carries a free orientation variable, resolved in discourse to
the speaker or to another participant (CIItem.resolve). Orientation is public commitment: an
utterance commits the speaker to the at-issue content and whoever the item is oriented to to the
implicature (CIItem.utter), so under a non-speaker-oriented reading the speaker's commitment
set narrows by the at-issue content alone (contextSet_utter_speaker_other). Against the
configurational hypothesis, on which non-speaker orientation is semantic binding by an attitude
predicate (10a), the paper sets the contextual one (10b): speaker orientation is
a default that pragmatic factors override in any syntactic position. The attested readings and
the items of the two experiments are the rows of Data/Examples/HarrisPotts2009.json, and
not_configurational is the paper's refutation: (11) and (12) are epithets in matrix
clauses read from another's perspective. Experiment 1 extends this to appositives, read as the
attitude subject's in 68% of unembedded and 86% of embedded trials, so that embedding
facilitates the shift without being required for it; Experiment 2 finds a negative context
raising subject-oriented readings of a matrix epithet from 7% to 17%; and the corpus study
finds speaker orientation dominant, in 32 of the 34 embedded appositive relatives with agreed
textual evidence.
Implementation notes #
The commitment state is Commitment.State over Orientation, so the values of the orientation
variable are exactly the possible committers. The Both response of the experiments, which the
paper reads as pragmatic enrichment of one attribution, is recorded in the rows but not
modelled, and the regression models of §3.3 and §4.3 stay in prose. The rows of the
experimental items carry their conditions, not the per-item response counts, which the paper
reports only in aggregate.
References #
Whose commitment a conventional implicature expresses: the speaker, or another discourse participant.
- speaker {Person : Type} : Orientation Person
- other {Person : Type} (p : Person) : Orientation Person
Instances For
Equations
- HarrisPotts2009.instDecidableEqOrientation.decEq HarrisPotts2009.Orientation.speaker HarrisPotts2009.Orientation.speaker = isTrue ⋯
- HarrisPotts2009.instDecidableEqOrientation.decEq HarrisPotts2009.Orientation.speaker (HarrisPotts2009.Orientation.other p) = isFalse ⋯
- HarrisPotts2009.instDecidableEqOrientation.decEq (HarrisPotts2009.Orientation.other p) HarrisPotts2009.Orientation.speaker = isFalse ⋯
- HarrisPotts2009.instDecidableEqOrientation.decEq (HarrisPotts2009.Orientation.other a) (HarrisPotts2009.Orientation.other b) = if h : a = b then h ▸ isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Instances For
Equations
- HarrisPotts2009.instReprOrientation = { reprPrec := HarrisPotts2009.instReprOrientation.repr }
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
An appositive or expressive: at-issue content, and conventional-implicature content that depends on the value of the orientation variable, resolved in discourse.
- ciFor : Orientation Person → W → Prop
The conventional implicature under each orientation.
- atIssue : W → Prop
The at-issue content, which does not depend on the orientation.
Instances For
The two-dimensional meaning once the orientation variable is resolved to o.
Instances For
Orientation is public commitment (§1): uttering the item with its orientation resolved
to o commits the speaker to the at-issue content and o to the conventional implicature.
Equations
- item.utter o K = insert (Commitment.commit HarrisPotts2009.Orientation.speaker {w : W | item.atIssue w}) (insert (Commitment.commit o {w : W | item.ciFor o w}) K)
Instances For
A speaker-oriented reading commits the speaker to both tiers.
A non-speaker-oriented reading narrows the speaker's commitment set by the at-issue content alone: the appositive of (8) or the expressive of (9) is no commitment of the speaker's.
The participant the item is oriented to is committed to the implicature and to nothing at-issue.
The configurational and the contextual hypothesis (10) #
Equations
- HarrisPotts2009.instDecidableEqResponse x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- HarrisPotts2009.instReprResponse = { reprPrec := HarrisPotts2009.instReprResponse.repr }
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
An attested reading: whether the item sits in the complement of an attitude or speech predicate, and to whom its content was attributed.
- embedded : Bool
- response : Response
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- HarrisPotts2009.instReprReading = { reprPrec := HarrisPotts2009.instReprReading.repr }
The response category of a row's orientation feature.
Equations
- HarrisPotts2009.responseOfLabel "speaker" = some HarrisPotts2009.Response.speaker
- HarrisPotts2009.responseOfLabel "subject" = some HarrisPotts2009.Response.subject
- HarrisPotts2009.responseOfLabel "both" = some HarrisPotts2009.Response.both
- HarrisPotts2009.responseOfLabel x✝ = none
Instances For
Read a reading off a row that records an attribution.
Equations
- HarrisPotts2009.Reading.ofDatum ex = do let e ← ex.feature? "embedded" let r ← ex.feature? "orientation" >>= HarrisPotts2009.responseOfLabel pure { embedded := e == "yes", response := r }
Instances For
The attested readings of §2 and §5.
Equations
Instances For
(10a): non-speaker orientation arises only by semantic binding under an attitude predicate, so an unembedded item is read as the speaker's.
Equations
- HarrisPotts2009.Configurational D = ∀ r ∈ D, r.response ≠ HarrisPotts2009.Response.speaker → r.embedded = true
Instances For
(11) and (12): an epithet in a matrix clause read from another's perspective.
The configurational hypothesis is refuted by the attested readings; what remains is the contextual hypothesis of (10b), on which the orientation variable is resolved by pragmatic factors in any syntactic position.