Grove (2022): Presupposition Projection as a Scope Phenomenon #
This file formalizes Grove's scope theory of presupposition projection, on which a presupposition
trigger denotes a value of a maybe type, undefined on presupposition failure, and its presupposition
projects to the constituent over which it takes scope. The maybe types are Option, whose unit and
bind are the type shifts of (15); the intensional monad of section 4.1 is the reader transformer
over it, as the paper's footnote says (Iₚ); the connective of (16) is the middle Kleene material
conditional (materialCond); the presuppositional universal of (27) is undefined wherever its scope
is; and believe is the Hintikka quantifier (28) over them. The proviso problem of section 2.1 then
dissolves into a scope ambiguity. For If Theo has a brother, he'll bring his wetsuit, the trigger
in situ yields the conditional presupposition of the satisfaction theory
(localReading_isSome_iff), the consequent pied-piped over the conditional yields the unconditional
one (globalReading_isSome_iff), and the two readings agree wherever the global one is defined. For
Theo believes he lost his wetsuit, section 4.2, the clause in situ presupposes a wetsuit at every
doxastic alternative and the clause scoped above the verb a wetsuit at the evaluation index, with
the at-issue content reconstructing by Left Identity (believeGlobal_eq_some_true_iff).
Implementation notes #
The truth-value type is Bool, so the possibly undefined truth values are Option Bool, the
library's SignType in monadic form, and the predicates of the models are decidable
propositions turned into truth values by decide. The universal of (27) quantifies over a whole
type and is defined classically. The readings are stated for arbitrary index and entity types,
the trigger his wetsuit being an Iₚ I E value, so the presupposition theorems are general
rather than checked on a finite model. The monad laws of Figure 7 are Lean's lawful-monad
instance for the reader transformer. The paper's judged sentences are rows of
Data.Examples.Grove2022.
References #
TODO #
The syntax of roll-up pied-piping in Figures 2 and 6 and the sketched also of (29) are not represented; the readings are the meanings the derivations deliver.
The intensional presuppositional monad I# of section 4.1, a reader over the maybe monad.
Equations
- Grove2022.Iₚ I = ReaderT I Option
Instances For
The monad laws of Figure 7 hold for I#. Left Identity is semantic reconstruction, and
Associativity is what licenses cyclic scope.
The material conditional of (16) has middle Kleene semantics, in which an undefined antecedent absorbs and a false one makes the conditional true whatever the consequent.
Equations
- Grove2022.materialCond none x✝ = none
- Grove2022.materialCond (some false) x✝ = some true
- Grove2022.materialCond (some true) x✝ = x✝
Instances For
The presuppositional universal of (27) is true if its scope is true everywhere, undefined if its scope is undefined somewhere, and false otherwise.
Equations
- Grove2022.forallP φ = if ∃ (x : α), φ x = none then none else if ∀ (x : α), φ x = some true then some true else some false
Instances For
The evaluation of (20) identifies the index an I# (i → t) value reads with the index of
the intension it returns.
Equations
- Grove2022.evalI φ i = Option.map (fun (x : I → Bool) => x i) (φ i)
Instances For
The believe of (28) is the Hintikka quantifier over doxastic alternatives, the conditional filtering the inaccessible indices.
Equations
- Grove2022.believe dox φ x i = Grove2022.forallP fun (j : I) => Grove2022.materialCond (some (decide (dox x i j))) (φ j)
Instances For
The conditional, section 3 #
If Theo has a brother, he'll bring his wetsuit, (1): bro is the antecedent, wetsuit the
trigger his wetsuit, Theo's unique wetsuit at an index if he has one, and bring the
predicate.
The consequent with the trigger scoped to its edge, as in Figure 5, is the lifted trigger over
the abstracted clause, of type t#.
Equations
- Grove2022.consequent wetsuit bring i = do let x ← wetsuit i pure (decide (bring x i))
Instances For
The local reading of (1), in Figure 5, applies the conditional to the consequent.
Equations
- Grove2022.localReading bro wetsuit bring i = Grove2022.materialCond (some (decide (bro i))) (Grove2022.consequent wetsuit bring i)
Instances For
In the global reading of (1), Figure 6, the consequent, of type t## after two units in the
trigger's scope, takes scope over the conditional.
Equations
- Grove2022.globalReading bro wetsuit bring i = do let ψ ← do let x ← wetsuit i pure (pure (decide (bring x i))) Grove2022.materialCond (some (decide (bro i))) ψ
Instances For
The local reading is undefined exactly when Theo has a brother but no wetsuit, the conditional presupposition of the satisfaction theory in Figure 3.
The global reading is undefined exactly when Theo has no wetsuit, the unconditional presupposition of Figure 4, available without pragmatic strengthening.
The two readings differ only in their presuppositions, since wherever the global reading is defined, so is the local one, with the same value.
By Left Identity, a unit applied outside the trigger's scope reconstructs, giving the local reading again rather than the global one, as the paper's footnote on Figure 6 observes.
Propositional attitudes, section 4.2 #
Theo believes he lost his wetsuit, (22): the complement is derived with intensions, Figure 8, and either evaluated in situ under the verb, Figure 9, or scoped above it, Figure 10.
he lost his wetsuit with the trigger scoped over the clause, an I# (i → t) value.
Equations
- Grove2022.lostClause wetsuit lose j = do let x ← wetsuit j pure fun (i : I) => decide (lose x i)
Instances For
The local reading of (22), in Figure 9, evaluates the complement under believe.
Equations
- Grove2022.believeLocal dox wetsuit lose theo = Grove2022.believe dox (Grove2022.evalI (Grove2022.lostClause wetsuit lose)) theo
Instances For
In the global reading of (22), Figure 10, the clause scopes above the verb through the reader bind, its trigger read at the evaluation index.
Equations
- Grove2022.believeGlobal dox wetsuit lose theo = do let φ ← Grove2022.lostClause wetsuit lose Grove2022.believe dox (fun (j : I) => pure (φ j)) theo
Instances For
Evaluating the clause as in (21) makes the trigger and the predicate read the same index.
In situ, the presupposition is that Theo has a wetsuit at every doxastic alternative, the prediction of [Hei92] for (22).
Scoped above the verb, the presupposition is that Theo has a wetsuit at the evaluation index, so it projects past believe and his wetsuit is read de re.
The at-issue content reconstructs, so the global reading is true exactly when Theo has a wetsuit that he lost at all his doxastic alternatives.