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Studies.Greco2020

Greco (2020): On the Syntax of Surprise Negation Sentences #

This file formalizes Greco's analysis of Italian surprise negation sentences (Snegs) such as E non mi è scesa dal treno Maria?! 'Mary got off the train!', affirmative sentences carrying the negative marker non. The paper places Snegs in the strong class of expletive negation, the class licensing no polarity-sensitive element (Tables 1 and 2), separates them from negative rhetorical questions and expletive negative exclamatives by wh-elements, answerhood, dopo tutto, and factive embedding (sneg_not_nrq, sneg_not_ene), and derives their properties from one representation, (59) and (65): non is a head externally merged in the CP field after the CP-phase head has closed the vP phase, selecting the focus phrase whose specifier hosts the whole TP. Merged after the phase head, non cannot bind into the vP (Closed, the Phase Impenetrability Condition read off the spine (68)), which excludes n-words, NPIs, not-also conjunctions, NEG-raising, and Aux-to-Comp while admitting positive polarity items; the occupied focus position excludes further foci, wh-elements, quantifier raising, and answers to entity questions while licensing expletive e and answers to propositional questions; and whole-TP focalization, impossible in embedded clauses and in structures without TP, makes Snegs a root phenomenon. rows_sneg checks every judgment of the pool against the requirement its construction places on the structure, and phase_heads is the paper's (68): Fin°, Top°, or Foc° as CP-phase head gives the derivation, Force° does not.

Implementation notes #

The spine (68) is a planar syntactic object over tokens, and Closed p reads the Phase Impenetrability Condition off it: non is outside the interior of the phase headed by p exactly when p merged first. The representation (73) carries the raised TP in the specifier of the focus phrase, and the focus-side requirements read Sisters off it. The requirement a construction places on the clause is a feature of its example row, so the predictions are stated once over Requirement and checked against the rows; the section 3 rows carry the diagnostic they test instead, and the embedded-focus rows (83) to (85) the focalized constituent.

References #

Polarity-sensitive elements #

The four classes of polarity-sensitive element that Table 1 tests in each EN environment: weak NPIs (alzare un dito 'lift a finger'), strong NPIs (affatto 'at all'), not-also conjunctions (e neanche), and n-words (nessuno 'nobody').

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      The two classes of EN environment. Weak EN keeps some of the licensing of standard negation, and strong EN keeps none.

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        def Greco2020.instReprENStrength.repr :
        ENStrength → ℕ → Std.Format
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          The polarity classes an EN environment of each strength licenses (Table 1, whose rows are uniform within each class): weak EN licenses weak NPIs and n-words.

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            Tables 1 and 2: the Italian expletive negation environments #

            The eleven Italian EN environments of [Gre20] Tables 1 and 2.

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                The judged sentences #

                The construction a row instantiates.

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                    What the construction tested in a row needs of the clause it occurs in.

                    • negScope : Requirement

                      Negation binding into the v*P, as negative-scope elements, NEG-raising and Aux-to-Comp need.

                    • noNegScope : Requirement

                      The v*P outside the negation's scope, as positive polarity items need.

                    • freeFocP : Requirement

                      An empty focus position, as foci, wh-elements, quantifier raising and entity answers need.

                    • activeFocP : Requirement

                      A filled focus position, as expletive e and answers to propositional questions need.

                    • embedded : Requirement

                      Embedding, which admits the focalization of a part of TP only, (83) to (85).

                    • noTP : Requirement

                      A structure without TP, as in past participle clauses and Absolute Constructions.

                    • phrasalNegator : Requirement

                      A negator with maximal-projection status, no.

                    • any : Requirement

                      Nothing, as for topics of every kind, presuppositional mica and either subject position.

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                        The diagnostics of section 3 separating Snegs from the other strong EN clauses.

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                          def Greco2020.instReprDiagnostic.repr :
                          Diagnostic → ℕ → Std.Format
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                            A row tests the judgment of the reading it names under reading, as (72b) does, being acceptable on its affirmative reading and testing the negative one, and otherwise the judgment of the sentence.

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                              structure Greco2020.Row :

                              A judged sentence, or reading, with the features the analysis reads off it.

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                                def Greco2020.instDecidableEqRow.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : Row) :
                                Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                  instance Greco2020.instReprRow :
                                  Repr Row
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                                  def Greco2020.instReprRow.repr :
                                  Row → ℕ → Std.Format
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                                    def Greco2020.Row.ofDatum (ex : Datum) :
                                    Option Row
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                                      The judged sentences of sections 2 to 4.

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                                        Section 3: Snegs are neither rhetorical questions nor exclamatives #

                                        def Greco2020.Differ (c₁ c₂ : Construction) (d : Diagnostic) :

                                        Constructions c₁ and c₂ receive opposite judgments on diagnostic d in the pool.

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                                          instance Greco2020.instDecidableDiffer (c₁ c₂ : Construction) (d : Diagnostic) :
                                          Decidable (Differ c₁ c₂ d)
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                                          Section 3.1: unlike negative rhetorical questions, Snegs reject wh-elements and dopo tutto and serve as answers, (31), (34), (35).

                                          Section 3.2: unlike expletive negative exclamatives, Snegs reject wh-elements and factive embedding and serve as answers, (40) to (42).

                                          The representation: (59), (65), (68), and (73) #

                                          The negative marker non of (59), a head selecting the focus phrase.

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                                            Force°, the highest head of the CP field in (68).

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                                              Foc°, whose specifier hosts the raised TP.

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                                                The lower Top° of (68), between Foc° and Fin°.

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                                                  Fin°, the lowest head of the CP field.

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                                                    v*, the phase head of the verbal domain.

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                                                      An argument inside the v*P, the site of a negative-scope element.

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                                                        The spine (68) with non in place: Force° over Neg° over Foc° over Top° over Fin° over TP.

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                                                          The vP is closed to non under the CP-phase head p: the vP lies in the interior of the phase p heads and non does not, so p merged first and transferred the v*P before non could bind into it ([Cho01]'s Phase Impenetrability Condition).

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                                                            (68): with Fin°, Top°, or Foc° as CP-phase head the v*P is closed when non merges; with Force°, merged after non, it is not.

                                                            The raised TP of (73).

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                                                              The representation (73): non selects the focus phrase whose specifier hosts the TP.

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                                                                Some constituent occupies the specifier of the unique focus phrase ([Riz97]).

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                                                                  theorem Greco2020.allows_of_closed {p p' : Minimalist.LexicalItem.Token} (hp : Closed p) (hp' : Closed p') (q : Requirement) :
                                                                  Allows p q ↔ Allows p' q

                                                                  The predictions depend on the phase head only through Closed.

                                                                  theorem Greco2020.rows_sneg {p : Minimalist.LexicalItem.Token} (hp : Closed p) (r : Row) :
                                                                  r ∈ rows → r.construction = Construction.sneg → ∀ (q : Requirement), r.requirement = some q → (r.judgment = Judgment.acceptable ↔ Allows p q)

                                                                  Sections 2 and 4: under any admissible CP-phase head, a Sneg row is acceptable exactly when the representation meets the requirement of the construction it tests.

                                                                  Section 4.2.5's premise, (83) to (85): an embedded clause admits the focalization of a constituent of TP, never of the whole TP.

                                                                  Table 2's Sneg row from the derivation: the strong class licenses no polarity class, the closed v*P excludes negative-scope elements, and (9a) to (9d) witness the rejection of each class.