Documentation

Studies.GinzburgCooper2004

Ginzburg and Cooper (2004): Clarification, Ellipsis, and the Nature of Contextual Updates in Dialogue #

This file formalizes the account of clarification ellipsis of [GC04], on which a sign carries the contextual parameters its sub-utterances introduce (LocutionaryProposition.parameters, LocutionaryProposition.constituents), grounding an utterance is finding an assignment for all of them (Grounds, grounds_iff), and an addressee who cannot updates the context instead by a coercion operation on the sign: parameter focussing raises the question ?i.p, the content with the problematic parameter abstracted (parameterFocussing), parameter identification the question what the speaker meant by the sub-utterance (parameterIdentification), both making that sub-utterance salient (focusEstablishing_parameterFocussing), and contextual existential generalization quantifies the parameter away so that the weaker content can be grounded (existentialGeneralization, grounds_existentialGeneralization). Since the operations read the constituents of the sign, utterances with the same content have different clarification potentials (potential_ne_of_constituents): the Hybrid Content Hypothesis, against the purely semantic updates of dynamic semantics.

The utterance-processing protocol integrates a pending utterance whose parameters the participant's assignment resolves and otherwise clarifies it (IS.ground, IS.clarify); after "Did Bo leave?" the speaker's and the addressee's information states differ in MAX-QUD and SAL-UTT (Ex32.differ), and the speaker comprehends the addressee's fragment by applying the coercion to her own latest move (IS.backtrack, backtrack_eq_clarify). A fragment resolves against the clarification context when it matches the salient sub-utterance in category (DeclFrag); the clausal reading identifies its index with the parameter and so presupposes that the participants share the sub-utterance's content, the constituent reading does not (rows_clausal, rows_constituent), and a fragment of the wrong category has neither (rows_parallelism).

Implementation notes #

References #

The syntactic categories of the examples, distinguished by the case or verb form the contrasts of (10) turn on.

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      The grammatical domain of the examples has orthographic forms and categories, with parameter labels and sub-utterance denotations written as the paper's strings.

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        Contextual parameters and grounding #

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        A contextual assignment gives values to parameter labels.

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          f resolves the parameter labelled i.

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          • f.Resolves i = (i ∈ List.map Prod.fst f)
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            instance GinzburgCooper2004.instDecidableResolves {V : Type} (f : Assignment V) (i : String) :
            Decidable (f.Resolves i)
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            f grounds σ when it resolves every contextual parameter of the sign.

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              The parameters of σ that f leaves unresolved, those that remain once contextual instantiation witnesses every parameter f assigns.

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                Sign coercion #

                inductive GinzburgCooper2004.Issue (Cont : Type) :

                The issues a clarification context makes maximal: the content posed, ?i.p with the problematic parameter abstracted from the content (focussing), and ?c.Mean(addr, u, c), what the speaker meant by the sub-utterance u (identification).

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                  instance GinzburgCooper2004.instDecidableEqIssue {Cont✝ : Type} [DecidableEq Cont✝] :
                  DecidableEq (Issue Cont✝)
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                  A clarification context is the partial specification a coercion operation yields, the maximal question under discussion with the salient sub-utterance as its focus-establishing constituent.

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                    Parameter focussing makes u salient and MAX-QUD the content with its parameter abstracted, ?i.p, when u is a constituent of σ contributing one of its contextual parameters.

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                      Parameter identification makes u salient and MAX-QUD the question what the speaker meant by it.

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                        The two operations differ only in MAX-QUD: they make the same sub-utterance salient.

                        Contextual existential generalization instantiates the parameter i and makes the content bind i p, the content with i existentially bound with widest scope.

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                          theorem GinzburgCooper2004.grounds_existentialGeneralization {V Cont : Type} {bind : String → Cont → Cont} {σ : Discourse.LocutionaryProposition grammar Cont} {i : String} {f : Assignment V} (h : ∀ c ∈ σ.parameters, c ≠ i → f.Resolves c) :

                          An assignment resolving every parameter but i grounds the generalized sign.

                          The clarification potential of a sign: the clarification contexts its coercion operations make available.

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                            The subjects of (19)–(20), "Jill" and "She", both contributing the parameter j.

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                              The subjects of (19)–(20), "Jill" and "She", both contributing the parameter j.

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                                "form is the president" with content p, its subject contributing the parameter j.

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                                  theorem GinzburgCooper2004.potential_ne_of_constituents {Cont : Type} (p : Cont) :
                                  potential (president "Jill is the president" jill p) ≠ potential (president "She is the president" she p)

                                  The Hybrid Content Hypothesis as the paper argues it from (19)–(20): "Jill is the president" and "She is the president", with the same content and parameters, differ in clarification potential, because the potential reads the sub-utterances.

                                  Integrating utterances in information states #

                                  structure GinzburgCooper2004.IS (V Cont : Type) :

                                  The components of a participant's information state that utterance processing reads and writes: LATEST-MOVE as the sign with its assignment, the utterances PENDING, and the clarification context MAX-QUD and SAL-UTT, a set of at most one sign (p. 327).

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                                    instance GinzburgCooper2004.instDecidableEqIS {V✝ Cont✝ : Type} [DecidableEq V✝] [DecidableEq Cont✝] :
                                    DecidableEq (IS V✝ Cont✝)
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                                    def GinzburgCooper2004.instDecidableEqIS.decEq {V✝ Cont✝ : Type} [DecidableEq V✝] [DecidableEq Cont✝] (x✝ x✝¹ : IS V✝ Cont✝) :
                                    Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                      def GinzburgCooper2004.IS.ground {V Cont : Type} (s : IS V Cont) (f : Assignment V) :
                                      Option (IS V Cont)

                                      Protocol (84a): the maximal pending utterance, once f grounds it, becomes LATEST-MOVE and its content the issue posed.

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                                        A coercion operation is a partial map from signs and their sub-utterances to clarification contexts.

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                                          def GinzburgCooper2004.IS.clarify {V Cont : Type} (s : IS V Cont) (coe : Coercion Cont) (u : Discourse.SubUtterance grammar) :
                                          Option (IS V Cont)

                                          Protocol (84c): the maximal pending utterance stays pending, and MAX-QUD and SAL-UTT take the values the coercion specifies for the sub-utterance u.

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                                            def GinzburgCooper2004.IS.backtrack {V Cont : Type} (s : IS V Cont) (coe : Coercion Cont) (u : Discourse.SubUtterance grammar) :
                                            Option (IS V Cont)

                                            Protocol (84b): the coercion applied to the sign of LATEST-MOVE, by which the speaker of an utterance comprehends a clarification of it.

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                                              theorem GinzburgCooper2004.backtrack_eq_clarify {V Cont : Type} {s s' : IS V Cont} {σ : Discourse.LocutionaryProposition grammar Cont} (coe : Coercion Cont) (u : Discourse.SubUtterance grammar) (hs : Option.map Prod.fst s.latestMove = some σ) (hs' : s'.pending.head? = some σ) :
                                              Option.map (fun (t : IS V Cont) => (t.maxQud, t.salUtt)) (s.backtrack coe u) = Option.map (fun (t : IS V Cont) => (t.maxQud, t.salUtt)) (s'.clarify coe u)

                                              A coercion reads only the sign, so the speaker backtracking over her latest move and the addressee clarifying the same sign, pending for him, reach the same clarification context.

                                              The running example, "Did Bo leave?" (32) #

                                              The sub-utterances of (32), each with the parameter or relation it contributes.

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                                                    A's utterance: the root clause's parameters are the referent of "Bo", the time, the speaker, the addressee and the utterance time (28), (32).

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                                                      A's assignment (82b).

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                                                        B's assignment (82c), with no value for the referent of "Bo".

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                                                          theorem GinzburgCooper2004.Ex32.focussing_bo :
                                                          parameterFocussing σ bo = some { question := Issue.focus "b" σ.content, focusEstablishing := {bo} }

                                                          Focussing on "Bo" makes it salient and asks who, named Bo, A is asking about (54).

                                                          theorem GinzburgCooper2004.Ex32.identification_bo :
                                                          parameterIdentification σ bo = some { question := Issue.meaning bo, focusEstablishing := {bo} }

                                                          Identification asks whom A meant by "Bo" (60).

                                                          theorem GinzburgCooper2004.Ex32.grounds_fB_generalized (bind : String → String → String) :

                                                          With b generalized away, B's assignment grounds the weaker content (78).

                                                          The state after A's utterance, pending for both participants.

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                                                            theorem GinzburgCooper2004.Ex32.speaker :
                                                            initial.ground fA = some { latestMove := some (σ, fA), maxQud := some (Issue.posed σ.content) }

                                                            A grounds her own utterance (82b).

                                                            theorem GinzburgCooper2004.Ex32.addressee :
                                                            initial.clarify parameterFocussing bo = some { pending := [σ], maxQud := some (Issue.focus "b" σ.content), salUtt := {bo} }

                                                            B clarifies by parameter focussing (82c).

                                                            theorem GinzburgCooper2004.Ex32.differ :
                                                            Option.map (fun (x : IS String String) => x.maxQud) (initial.ground fA) ≠ Option.map (fun (x : IS String String) => x.maxQud) (initial.clarify parameterFocussing bo) ∧ Option.map (fun (x : IS String String) => x.salUtt) (initial.ground fA) ≠ Option.map (fun (x : IS String String) => x.salUtt) (initial.clarify parameterFocussing bo)

                                                            The same utterance leaves the two participants with distinct MAX-QUD and SAL-UTT.

                                                            theorem GinzburgCooper2004.Ex32.backtrack :
                                                            Option.map (fun (s : IS String String) => (s.maxQud, s.salUtt)) ((initial.ground fA).bind fun (x : IS String String) => x.backtrack parameterFocussing bo) = Option.map (fun (s : IS String String) => (s.maxQud, s.salUtt)) (initial.clarify parameterFocussing bo)

                                                            Backtracking with the same coercion, A reaches B's clarification context and can read "Bo?" as a clarification of her utterance (83).

                                                            Clarification ellipsis and its readings #

                                                            By decl-frag-cl (47), the fragment resolves against the clarification context when it matches the salient sub-utterance in category.

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                                                              instance GinzburgCooper2004.instDecidableDeclFrag {Cont : Type} (c : Clarification Cont) (frag : Discourse.SubUtterance grammar) :
                                                              Decidable (DeclFrag c frag)
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                                                              Whether the participants share (a belief about) the content of the sub-utterance.

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                                                                  On the clausal reading the fragment resolves against a focussing context to the polar question whether the speaker is asking about this value of the parameter (58), identifying the fragment's index with the sub-utterance's, which presupposes shared content.

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                                                                    On the constituent reading the fragment resolves against an identification context to the question what the speaker meant (68), presupposing nothing about the value.

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                                                                      A dialogue of §1.2: the sub-utterance clarified and the fragment, whether the participants share the sub-utterance's content, the readings the paper judges available, and the acceptability of the ellipsis.

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                                                                        def GinzburgCooper2004.instDecidableEqRow.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : Row) :
                                                                        Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                                                          The category labels of the data file.

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                                                                              The sign of the row's first turn, as far as the clarification reads it, has the antecedent as its constituent contributing the parameter x.

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                                                                                The nineteen dialogues of (4), (6), (8)–(13).

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                                                                                  theorem GinzburgCooper2004.rows_clausal (r : Row) :
                                                                                  r ∈ rows → r.clausal = none ∨ (r.clausal = some Judgment.acceptable ↔ Clausal r.sign r.antecedent r.fragment r.access)

                                                                                  The clausal reading is judged available exactly when the fragment resolves against the focussing context with shared content.

                                                                                  The constituent reading is judged available exactly when the fragment resolves against the identification context.

                                                                                  Categorial parallelism (10): the ellipsis is acceptable exactly when some reading resolves it.